We have observed the significant rise of left-leaning political commentators on social media, particularly YouTubers, during this election. Dhruv Rathee and Ravish have amassed massive views, surpassing even mainstream news channels. It was believed that they would have a significant impact on the Lok Sabha Elections.
Dhruv, who typically maintains a neutral tone, noticeably shifted his approach in the months leading up to the election, embracing a more polarized political viewpoint. I use the term “polarized” because he blatantly overlooked several important issues during this time, such as the Sandeshkhali rapes in West Bengal and the Sidharthan case in Kerala, primarily because these cases put the opposition in a poor light. Personally, I felt his demeanor change from that of a regular YouTuber to that of a politician.
After months of running intense social media campaigns, were these left-leaning YouTubers successful? In a previous post, I mentioned how Dhruv Rathee is unlikely to have a significant impact on the Lok Sabha elections. The echo chamber angle aside, the answer lies in the data collected from the CSDS-Lokniti Post Poll Survey. It shows how the BJP performed well in urban areas while lagging in rural areas.
How much influence do YouTubers have in rural areas? Unless a proper survey is conducted that asks people living in villages, “Did Dhruv Rathee or any other YouTuber influence you to change your voting pattern this time?” we will never know for sure. Another way to analyze the impact is by examining video statistics. Content creators can share their video statistics, including the regions where their videos were most viewed. Did they receive significant viewership from rural areas?
Huge rallies were conducted in villages where Dhruv’s videos were played. However, it’s safe to say that people in rural areas do not vote based on social media activism. Instead, they vote based on their personal experiences, caste-based politics, and the help they receive. They are unlikely to resort to the Internet to research the pros and cons of political parties.
To summarize, any success resulting from YouTube videos should have primarily been reflected in urban areas, but that was not the case. BJP performed considerably well in cities.
The Congress party’s performance in the Lok Sabha Elections 2024, with a win of 99 seats, is a notable improvement from 2019. However, it still pales in comparison to the BJP’s reduced 240 seats. The alliance, as a whole, played a pivotal role in forming a strong opposition. Yet, it is evident that no single party can claim sole credit for the alliance’s success.
Samajwadi Party (SP) – The Unsung Hero
In Uttar Pradesh, it was the Samajwadi Party (SP) that was the game-changer with its 37 seats. BJP came a close second with 33 seats. Congress managed 6. In the end, it is not how many seats you gained or lost that matters, but whether you won. I have my grievances with the SP, but if credit is to be given to any party, it should go to the SP. It was Akhilesh Yadav who turned things around.
Despite Congress’ lackluster performance (this was its third-worst performance overall), you often hear the party nowadays boasting about its “achievements” and how Rahul Gandhi single-handedly saved democracy. Ironically, this narrative has also been picked up by the West.
It seems that the party is trying to present this as a Congress victory as a way to save Rahul Gandhi. This may have been his final opportunity to get things right, and by insinuating that Rahul was the driving force behind the alliance’s success, Congress managed to secure his leadership position.
Nyay Yatra Results
If you look at the route of Rahul’s Nyay Yatra, you will see that BJP won most of the areas where Rahul Gandhi campaigned. This map was shared by Moneycontrol.
The white line was the route taken by Rahul Gandhi. It went well in Manipur, but as his journey progressed, his yatra seemed to have had less impact on the common man.
This is BJP’s performance in the same areas for comparison purposes:
As you can see, most of the areas were dominated by the BJP.
Questioning Congress’ Performance
The irony is that no journalist has questioned his performance and is projecting him as a hero. I am pointing this out because Congress prefers to believe that Rahul Gandhi is the best Prime Ministerial candidate. However, if you replace him with someone much more competent, votes will flow from the BJP to Congress naturally without much work or unending yatras. Many I know only opt for the BJP because they dislike the Gandhis, a sentiment that could be leveraged by a stronger Congress leader.
In India, there is a lack of a strong opposition party (not an alliance) with consistent and solid ideologies that do not vary among party members. Consistency brings confidence. Personally, I was not sure if I was voting for the left’s or Congress’ ideologies in the INDI alliance. The manifesto of CPI(M), one of the members of the INDI alliance, is one of the most dangerous I have ever seen. It does not inspire confidence. If I support the Congress but not the CPI(M), should I still vote for the INDI alliance? This is the skepticism I feel.
The question remains whether Congress is planning to continue working with an alliance and take credit for the alliance’s victories. We should question the party and demand improvements. Celebrating the current situation as a victory could prevent the emergence of a much more competent opposition party. The citizens of India deserve more.
Before I begin talking about this year’s elections, I would like to make my political leanings clear. I started as a staunch leftist, someone who observed politics from the surface level, never digging into details or paying much attention to the nuances. Currently, even though several “know your political leaning” quizzes position me as a centrist, I would describe myself as more center-right. I support infrastructure projects, national development, and improving defense strategies. However, I am not fond of communal politics, nor do I agree with the opposition’s appeasement/fearmongering politics. This puts me in a confusing political space where I am not completely satisfied with any one party.
Now that’s done, let’s get to the main story. As I have a lot to say about the elections, I will be dividing the post into several parts.
Observation #1: Democracy is alive. But not in the way you think.
This election proved that no one is invincible and politicians shouldn’t take the voters for granted.
The alliance performed exceptionally well. However, I would have to disagree with the narrative that “people voted against divisive, communal politics.” This is misleading. If you look at the CSDS-Lokniti Post-Poll data, the BJP got the most votes in urban areas, whereas it lagged in rural areas. People in villages are less influenced by communal politics. Their votes are based on their immediate environment and needs. Are they receiving basic essentials like ration, jobs, housing, and respect? These factors, along with caste-based politics, significantly influence their voting decisions.
A guarantee card was distributed by Congress that promised a 1 lakh salary, guaranteed jobs for freshers, 1 lakh rupees annually for women in economically backward families, etc.
It was never stated that these benefits would only be available if Congress won. If I were not financially well-off, my first choice would have been Congress solely because of these freebies. I wouldn’t care about roads or development. Refusing freebies is a luxury only the privileged can afford. This is where the BJP faltered. They did not offer any freebies for low-income people. While this might be good for the economy, it is detrimental for securing votes.
An interesting thing about this card is that it asks the recipient to jot down the number of voters in the family, booth number, constituency, etc. Was it a way to count the number of confirmed votes for their party? Is this how they knew a significant shift is to be expected in Uttar Pradesh?
BJP, on the other hand, has been accused of taking away land and destroying the houses of families settled around the Ayodhya temple. This may have significantly contributed to their loss of votes. The discontent with the BJP in this context is not rooted in communal politics but rather in the failure to meet basic needs.
Observation #2: EVMs are working
It is amusing that the parties who were hyper-worried about EVMs are now perfectly fine with the machines. No malfunctions were reported whatsoever.
This is one area where both Congress and BJP are happy. Or did the BJP secretly end up firing their EVM hacking unit, as mentioned in this satire post by The Fauxy? We will never know.
I haven’t posted in a while. Work was so hectic that I couldn’t find time to watch the news, binge-watch Netflix shows, listen to songs, or indulge in leisure activities, including writing on this blog. Now that I am back on track and slowly letting my panic mode subside, I am finding time again for the good stuff in life. As I was catching up on things I missed, something caught my attention – Coke Studio Pakistan’s new season!
I’ve always been a big fan of Coke Studio Pakistan. I loved most of the songs from the previous season, and they are still on my playlist. I often expect the same quality from Coke Studio in India, but the music doesn’t quite measure up. Pakistan truly excels when it comes to producing songs.
Here are my top favorites from Season 15:
Maghron La – Sabri Sisters x Rozeo
A song that celebrates women in all her free-spiritedness, swag, and glory. I have been playing Maghron La on repeat, and it currently tops the list of songs that spark joy. It makes me feel good – something we don’t get enough of in this day and age where dark content has become the norm, whether online or offline.
The video matches the vibe of the song. Exceptionally well shot. It could very well have been a video from India. The culture, language, and outfits feel close to home. However, we don’t get to see such videos in India anymore. We are, unfortunately, trying to emulate the West in the way our movies are presented, often ignoring distinct cinematic elements unique to our country, such as song and dance. The sad part is that if you miss these elements, you have no choice but to wait for them to reappear. In such a circumstance, you can imagine my joy when I come across happy and peppy numbers like Maghron La.
I couldn’t help but notice the woman at the end, looking longingly at the young, energetic girls dancing unabashedly. Is there a deeper meaning? Perhaps she craves a similar freedom that she was denied at their age. Maybe she wants to break free from the chains holding her back but considers it too late. The beauty of the video lies in its open interpretation, allowing viewers to find their own meanings.
Aayi Aayi – Noman Ali Rajper x Babar Mangi x Marvi Saiban
This song is special as it pays tribute to Thar. For the uninitiated, the Thar desert is shared by both Sindh in Pakistan and Rajasthan in India. The desert, also known as the Great Indian Desert, spans an area of about 200,000 square kilometers (77,000 square miles) and forms a natural boundary between the two countries. However, despite the boundaries, the culture of the people on both sides of the desert remains the same.
I got goosebumps watching the video. There was an indescribable feeling of oneness. A tingling reminder that we were one once upon a time.
Chal Chaliye – Sajjad Ali x Farheen Raza Jaffry
This one is for the romantics. A slow, soulful song that nudges you to follow your dreams. Sajjad Ali and Farheen have the most beautiful voices. Together they create magic.
It’s the election season again in India, the largest democracy in the world. Politicians are tirelessly running hither and thither promoting their campaigns, often resorting to divisive tactics to seal their votes. As a layman, you find yourself wondering during these times whether the political parties’ agenda is to divide citizens rather than win elections.
Over the past ten years, there’s been a steady rise in discomfort over the rising popularity of the right wing. Most minorities and leftists want the BJP to be voted out this year. There’s a sense of dread about what would happen if the BJP takes control for the third consecutive term. You see and read incidents of Christians and Muslims in rural areas crying, “Hindus will kill us if they come into power. Please don’t vote for the BJP.” This cry for help is alarming. Minorities do face discrimination in India, but to make it sound like a genocide is far-fetched. Most people live in harmony with each other, while some tyrants across communities try to create problems. However, the negative stories are most prominently highlighted making it look like the norm. It is not a systematic persecution, as seen in neighboring countries.
Who is spreading this hate narrative? Who is inflicting this unfound fear on everyone? Politicians and the media are to blame—both the right and left. One makes controversial statements, and the other spreads hate and discord by amplifying them out of context. The reasons are purely agenda-driven. I say this with confidence because of the ease with which they seem to overlook their own preferred party’s faults, irrespective of the severity. The bias is crystal clear.
Someone like me, who is engrossed in reading both left and right narratives day in and out, can now finally figure out when a party/media/journalist is playing games to drive their agenda. I have acquired a sense of indifference to polarizing or pseudo-secularist words. But an apolitical person, which many are, might not understand the game and fall prey to the hate narrative set by both sides. Ultimately, the narrative with the most media outreach wins: the right-wing within India and the left wing globally.
The opposition parties in India are going all out to convince everyone why democracy is in trouble in the country, resorting to fearmongering tactics, such as drilling down the point that there won’t be an election next time if BJP wins. The Western media is also trying to help the opposition by pushing the narratives of the leftist ecosystem to the world at large. An outsider might have already read several articles slamming the situation in India on popular portals like the BBC, Al Jazeera, and CNN. Rarely do you see a right-wing viewpoint, probably because the right wing is, by default, considered problematic. So, you never know precisely why the right wing has gained popularity in any country. You only get to see the uncomfortable outcomes of it.
A satire post from @the_fauxy
Is BJP a Far-Right Party?
Let’s get this straight: BJP being a “far-right” party is highly debated and contradicted by the actual far-right in India. They feel Modi is “soft,” so they label him “center-right.” According to them, he hasn’t yet reclaimed all the lost temple properties or got the temples out of government control; his party suspended Nupur Sharma when she made blasphemous comments in response to an equally blasphemous comment by a guest panelist, and the party hasn’t restricted welfare benefits to Muslims. For the hardliners, a legit far-right politician is someone like Geert Wilders.
You often see Modi making problematic statements to woo his far-right fan base and keep them happy. But his words don’t usually translate into actions. Muslims remain the biggest beneficiaries of welfare schemes under the BJP rule, Muslim businesses in Gujarat have prospered, Shias are now able to practice their religious rituals in Kashmir openly, and oppressive rules like the Triple Talaq have been banned, earning him a small but dedicated Muslim fan following in the country who have started to realize that Modi isn’t all that bad as he’s made out to be. In Kashmir, a Muslim-majority state, the Ayushman Bharat scheme is available to all citizens irrespective of social and economic status, a privilege not extended to other states in the country.
Narendra Modi with Bohra Muslims
These examples defy the popular notion that Modi is anti-Muslim. Some rightists jokingly call him “Moulana Modi” for the help he has extended to Muslims, especially the Pasmanda community, who had been ignored by other political parties to date in favor of the more prosperous Muslim elites.
Yes, Modi is serious about reclaiming revered temple properties lost during the Mughal rule, the ones that are highly deemed by the Hindu community, but he is offering an alternative, more spacious land for the construction of a new mosque as compensation to the Muslims. This is a trait characteristic of a practicing religious Hindu but not an Islamophobe who would not have offered, without doubt, any land as compensation.
However, the party doesn’t do much to contradict such claims of it being an anti-Muslim party. They don’t openly highlight the good they have done for the Muslim community. It appears as if they want this “anti-Islam” label to prevail. Probably because it pleases their far-right voters. A large number of individuals vote for Modi with the belief that he prioritizes Hinduism. Why would he want to tarnish that image? This is a primary con of democracy – you support narratives, even misleading ones, to consolidate a win by hook or crook. The focus is on power, not the people. The result is this: you end up winning by dividing the people further. The essence of “One India” becomes fainter as each election campaign ends.
Reasons for Rising Support
The reasons why the majority in India prefer Modi are multifold. It is not as straightforward as outsiders like to believe. There are primarily three types of BJP supporters:
Centrists: They dislike BJP’s communal politics but admire the party’s pro-development approach, solid implementation of social schemes, zero tolerance for terrorist activities/groups, no appeasement politics, increase in FDI, improved relationships with foreign countries that can prove beneficial to India, improved economic rankings, etc.
Anti-Opposition: They support the BJP primarily because they think the opposition is incompetent and not strong enough to take the country forward. They vehemently dislike the opposition’s weakness when it comes to tackling radical groups (something we are increasingly seeing in Western countries nowadays). The opposition was unable to control Kashmir’s terrorist activities or ban anti-national groups like PFI while they were in power. If given a better choice, the “Anti-Opposition” clan would gladly opt out of BJP. Currently, there are none.
Far Right: They like BJP’s communal politics and their pro-Hindu, capitalistic approach. They were highly unsatisfied with the opposition’s appeasement politics in the previous years. They felt their needs were unmet or unanswered when the opposition was in power, such as getting the temples out of government control. BJP gives them hope.
BJP rose to fame because of these three main target groups whose grievances were left unresolved by the opposition parties. For them, BJP is the only viable option. To defeat the BJP, the opposition parties should first seriously address the concerns of these groups. As long as they keep denying their negatives and gaslighting the concerns of voters, the right-wing will continue to reign supreme.
Conclusion
It is a trend we are seeing worldwide. Far-right parties are winning in Europe and are finding support in the US. This could be attributed mainly to the incompetency of the leftist ecosystems to curb extremism and violence, pushing people to support the right. When the issues are addressed and resolved, voters will likely shift their support towards a centrist political party. Till then, we await more concrete actions from the left to prove they can protect the country and its social fabric as reliably as the right.
Nadia Murad had luck on her side the day she escaped ISIS. The door was unlocked, and no guards surrounded the area. She says their negligence could have stemmed from the assumption that she was too weak, both physically and mentally, to attempt an escape. To add to the luck factor, the family she eventually sought help from while on the move turned out to be empathetic rather than deceitful, a fortunate outcome not experienced by most Yazidi women who tried to escape.
Keeping luck aside, Nadia exhibited a quality that day uncommon for someone in her position – courage. To muster the strength and determination to capitalize on an opportunity, especially when you are exhausted, is heart-wrenchingly admirable.
The Last Girl chronicles the harrowing journey of a woman who had to go through hell on earth as the perpetrators sought heaven on “the other side.”
Nadia’s story serves as a lesson – never take your peace or soldiers of the nation for granted. You are safe because the soldiers of your country are spending countless hours and energy to ensure no harm comes your way. You realize the importance of this only when you read and research extensively, go through history, and pay attention to actions.
The book is heartbreaking. You feel incredible sadness for Yazidis. But you also feel sorry for the people who get radicalized to the extent that they end up thinking violence is the answer. How can we save them? How can we protect our youngsters? How can we extinguish their hate and make them realize we are all, ultimately, children of the same universe?
Reader discretion is advised: The following content may contain sensitive or mature themes that could be distressing to some individuals.
Here are some of the quotes from the book that caught my attention:
People say that Yazidism isn’t a “real” religion because we have no official book like the Bible or the Koran. Because we pray toward the sun, we are called pagans. Our belief in reincarnation, which helps us cope with death and keep our community together, is rejected. Some Yazidis avoid certain foods, like lettuce, and are mocked for their strange habits. Others don’t wear blue because they see it as the color of Tawusi Melek and too holy for a human, and even that choice is ridiculed.
We (Yazidis) would, over generations, get used to a small pain or injustice until it became normal enough to ignore. I imagine this must be why we had come to accept certain insults, like our food being refused, that probably felt like a crime to whoever first noticed it. Even the threat of another firman was something Yazidis had gotten used to, although that adjustment was more like a contortion. It hurt.
I used to pray for my own future—to finish school and open my salon—and the futures of my siblings and my mother. Now I pray for the survival of my religion and my people.
For a young Yazidi girl, life only got better after the Americans and the Kurds took over. Kocho was expanding, I was going to school, and we were gradually lifting ourselves out of poverty. A new constitution gave more power to the Kurds and demanded that minorities be part of the government. I knew that my country was at war, but it didn’t seem like it was our fight.
I still think that being forced to leave your home out of fear is one of the worst injustices a human being can face. Everything you love is stolen, and you risk your life to live in a place that means nothing to you and where, because you come from a country now known for war and terrorism, you are not really wanted. So you spend the rest of your years longing for what you left behind while praying not to be deported.
Rape has been used throughout history as a weapon of war. I never thought I would have something in common with women in Rwanda—before all this, I didn’t know that a country called Rwanda existed—and now I am linked to them in the worst possible way, as a victim of a war crime that is so hard to talk about that no one in the world was prosecuted for committing it until just sixteen years before ISIS came to Sinjar.
Everyone thinks Yazidi women are weak because we are poor and live outside the cities, and I have heard people say female fighters with ISIS are, in their own way, proving their strength among men. But none of them—not Morteja’s mother, not even a suicide bomber—was a fraction as strong as my mother, who overcame so many struggles and who never would have let another woman be sold into slavery, no matter her religion.
Fear was better. With fear, there is the assumption that what is happening isn’t normal. Hopelessness is close to death.
I was quickly learning that my story, which I still thought of as a personal tragedy, could be someone else’s political tool, particularly in a place like Iraq. I would have to be careful what I said, because words mean different things to different people, and your story can easily become a weapon to be turned on you.
Every time I tell my story, I feel that I am taking some power away from the terrorists.
I have begged Sunni leaders to more strongly denounce ISIS publicly; they have so much power to stop the violence. I have worked alongside all the men and women with Yazda to help survivors like me who have to live every day with what we have been through, as well as to convince the world to recognize what happened to the Yazidis as genocide and to bring ISIS to justice.
I told them I wasn’t raised to give speeches. I told them that it was in their power to help protect vulnerable people all over the world. I told them that I wanted to look the men who raped me in the eye and see them brought to justice. More than anything else, I said, I want to be the last girl in the world with a story like mine.
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