The Indian Question

Indian American Photograph

Left-leaning media in America often attack Donald Trump. They will scrutinise his policies, question his ideology, and discuss the dangers of his politics.

But when it comes to hate against Indians, specifically Indian Americans, the same urgency and enthusiasm seem to disappear.

This kind of hatred may not always be visible in everyday life in the Western world. Many Indians live perfectly ordinary lives abroad. But when racism does surface, there isn’t always a strong or sustained public pushback against it. There’s an eerie quietness, even among the liberals. A kind of “silent racism” going on.

Democrats silent on anti-Indian racism

Which makes me wonder: do many people prefer to keep their racism and bigotry private?

Why Are We Suddenly Talking About “The Indian Question”?

The immediate reason for this post is Christopher Rufo’s podcast episode on YouTube titled The Indian Question. Rufo is a prominent conservative activist and political commentator in the US.

I watched the episode last night to understand why it attracted so much attention.

The title itself deserves scrutiny.

Historically, the phrase “The Jewish Question” was used in European debates to justify racism against Jews.

The Jewish Question Document

The Jewish Question Definition

The concern with using “The Indian Question” is the framing. When an ethnic community is discussed as a question to be solved, rather than as people with individual rights, it becomes a problem.

Indian Americans are not a problem to be solved. They are people living, working, studying, raising families, and contributing to the country they call home. They are more loyal to America than India, from what I have observed.

The Indian population in the US is nowhere near a majority. Indian Americans make up roughly 1.5% of the US population. Why does the presence of Indians, particularly successful Indians, provoke such hate in American society, even if they are the minority?

Apparently, Indians Haven’t Assimilated Enough

One of the arguments discussed in the episode concerns a video of Indian students celebrating a football team’s success. This video attracted attention after being shared by Texas political figure Bo French.

The argument goes something like this:

The first person implies, “Indians are assimilating. Look at the students celebrating an American football victory.”

The other person counters, “Even these students might not be truly assimilated. Otherwise, why would anyone be discussing their participation in American culture?”

Think about that for a moment.

If Indians don’t participate in American traditions, they haven’t assimilated. If they do participate, the fact that their participation is being discussed apparently proves that they haven’t assimilated either.

What exactly is the winning answer here? The goalposts seem to shift depending on the argument.

And then comes another example: Indian children winning spelling bee competitions.

According to the argument, these children study day and night to win. Spelling bees, apparently, are supposed to be fun rather than competitive. The justification is that this emphasis on academic achievement somehow makes Indian children less American.

The other person laughs and nods along.

The broader argument seems to be that being American means being aggressive and expressive, like people at football matches, rather than studious and academically competitive.

So Indians are now supposed to prove their assimilation by being less successful? From now on, all Indian Americans should make a few adjustments.

  • When you submit reports to your manager, make several mistakes.
  • When your manager offers you a promotion, reject it.
  • When your child is asked to spell “lovely”, teach them to say “l-u-v-l-y”.

That’s how you assimilate, apparently: by playing dumb.

The issue is that Indians are being judged by standards not applicable to anyone else. If participating in American culture doesn’t count as assimilation, and excelling academically counts against assimilation, what exactly are Indians expected to do?

The Problem With Trying Too Hard to Please Racists

As usual, the comment sections in the YouTube video provide another layer to this discussion.

I see a few Indian Americans saying things like, “As an Indian American, I agree.”

There is a difference between honest criticism and agreeing with racial generalisations simply to gain acceptance.

Many encourage or justify racism in the hope that racists will make an exception for them. If someone is being racist towards Indians, it needs to be called out. Don’t respond with self-hatred or an endless list of reasons why you are one of the “good Indians”. Because they will use that list of reasons against you as well. A few people behaving badly does not give anyone the authority to generalise an entire community.

Say it plainly: “You can criticise an individual without generalising the whole community.”

Racism doesn’t necessarily disappear because you have the right job, speak perfect English, support the right political party and religion, or distance yourself from your cultural background.

Racists simply don’t want you there. No amount of people-pleasing can guarantee they will change their minds.

When Hindu Culture Becomes the Convenient Explanation

Another thing that stood out to me was the way Indian culture was represented in the YouTube video.

When these commentators talk about Indian culture, the visuals often feature Hindu temples, Hindu festivals, and religious celebrations. They also bring up videos from India, including footage of a cow dung festival that many Indians themselves may never have heard of. An unfamiliar or unusual practice is presented as though it represents ordinary Indian life.

Why?

Because it helps create a particular impression of India and Indians. Once that impression is established, it becomes easier to argue that Indians are culturally incompatible with America.

Let’s be honest. India is enormous and extraordinarily diverse. There are hundreds of languages, different religious traditions, countless regional customs, and vast differences in everyday life.

One unusual festival, one viral video, or one person’s behaviour cannot explain an entire country.

But this is where the argument becomes convenient. If you want to dislike Indians, you can always find something to point at.

If a Hindu festival is loud, that’s evidence of cultural incompatibility.

If Indian students excel academically, that’s evidence that they haven’t assimilated.

If Indians participate in American traditions, that somehow isn’t enough either.

The examples change, but the conclusion remains the same.

Indians are the problem.

That is what makes this more than a debate about cultural differences. It starts looking like racism and bigotry dressed up as a discussion about assimilation.

Why Are So Many NRIs Afraid to Speak Up?

The saddest part of this conversation is the silence of some Indians living abroad.

I’ve heard people say things along the lines of, “Life is already hard. We just want to keep our heads down so we don’t get attacked by racists.”

I understand the fear.

If you live in another country, your job, visa status, family, financial security, and future may depend on your ability to maintain a stable life there. You may not want to become the target of online abuse or workplace hostility.

Not everyone has the luxury of speaking out. And nobody should be forced to put their safety or livelihood at risk to prove their courage.

But it is worth noticing the contrast.

Some Indians who hesitate to speak publicly about racism or other issues in the countries where they live will readily post about everything that is wrong with India. Of course, Indians in India do the same. Criticising one’s own country is perfectly legitimate.

If people can freely criticise India but feel that criticising racism in their adopted country is too risky, what does that tell us: that India has more freedom of speech?

When people stay silent because they fear the consequences, those spreading hatred may begin to assume that their views are acceptable.

The Selective Outrage of Indian Commentators

Then there is the response from certain commentators in India, particularly those who are strongly anti-Modi.

The moment an Indian pushes back against racist Americans, the moral policing begins.

“Don’t you see what’s happening in India? Concentrate on that.”

India has serious problems, and those problems deserve scrutiny. But why should one concern cancel out another?

Why can’t we discuss anti-Indian racism in America and discrimination in India in the same conversation?

Why does calling out racism against Indians suddenly become suspicious when the person speaking happens to be a Hindu, supports Modi, or disagrees with a particular political ideology?

Selective outrage is a real problem. Human rights should not become a team sport. Racism does not become acceptable because its victims belong to a political group you dislike.

I suspect another reason for this selective response is that some NRIs interpret anti-Indian racism in the US and other Western countries primarily as hostility towards right-wing Hindus, rather than as prejudice against Indians as a whole. That makes it easier to dismiss the problem.

But racist people don’t necessarily make those distinctions. They may target Indians because of their skin colour, name, accent, ethnicity, or perceived religion. And when Indian commentators themselves minimise the problem, racists can use those statements as convenient ammunition.

Are Indians Responsible for the Hate They Receive?

We are responsible for how we treat others, how we behave in public, and whether we challenge prejudice within our own communities. Indians are not above criticism, and being a minority abroad does not make every Indian automatically right.

But we are not responsible for someone else’s racism.

There is a difference between acknowledging that individuals can behave badly and accepting collective blame for an entire community.

And this brings me to Dinesh D’Souza.

D’Souza is a Christian conservative commentator of Indian origin who has spent years aligning himself with American right-wing politics. Yet he has faced racial abuse, including the use of the term “Dot Head”, a derogatory reference to the bindi traditionally worn by Indians (mostly Hindu women).

Racism against Dinesh D'Souza

Think about the contradiction.

If the objection were genuinely about Hinduism, his Christian identity should make a difference, and racists wouldn’t have attacked him the way they are doing now on social media. To someone determined to see an outsider, an Indian face is enough.

This is why I find the entire argument about assimilation flawed.

D’Souza has criticised many aspects of liberal politics and has aligned himself with conservative causes. Yet his ethnicity is still a target.

In a way, I feel sorry for him. Dinesh spent considerable energy on social media trying to establish himself as a true-blue American by hating aspects of Indian and Hindu culture. He, like many others, believed that assimilation was the reason for anti-Indian racism.

The Double Standard Around Indian Religious Festivals

I also refuse to accept the argument that loud Indian religious festivals abroad somehow justify racism against Indians.

That is simply another way of shifting the blame onto the people facing hate.

Let’s look at Keralam. The place I’m from.

In Keralam, Hindu and Christian festivals can involve loud music, drums, processions, and celebrations that continue for days. Yes, they can be overwhelming. Elderly people need sleep, children need rest, and people have work the next morning.

But most of us understand that a festival is a special occasion. People are celebrating something meaningful to them, and we generally make room for that.

Similarly, Ashoora processions in parts of India can involve crowds, chest-beating, chanting, and considerable noise. These are not quiet affairs either.

And we coexist with these celebrations, even when we don’t personally participate in them.

That is part of living in a diverse society. That’s religious freedom.

If Indian communities in the West obtain the necessary permissions for a religious festival and are still told to tone it down simply because other people find their culture uncomfortable, we should ask what kind of religious freedom means in practice in these developed countries.

Am I to assume India has more religious freedom?

Good Noise and Bad Noise

Honestly, a lot of this comes down to what I call “good noise” and “bad noise”.

I find the noise from the nearby football stadium absolutely intolerable during matches. Anyone living near a stadium will know what I mean.

Songs. Dancing. Drums. Trumpets. Screaming. The whole thing.

It can sound remarkably similar to a religious festival. But I’ve never posted a story complaining about it. Why?

Because I understand that, for someone who loves football or cricket, that noise is part of the excitement. The crowd is celebrating. People are having a good time. It is “good noise”.

But when the celebration belongs to a religion or culture that someone dislikes, suddenly it becomes “bad noise”.

The sound itself may not be all that different from a football or cricket match. What changes is the meaning people attach to it.

You don’t have to love the noise. You don’t have to attend the festival. You don’t even have to understand why people enjoy it.

But you should be able to tolerate other people having the freedom to celebrate their religion, within the same reasonable rules that apply to everyone else.

Otherwise, perhaps the problem isn’t really the noise.

The Latest US Immigration Restrictions Make This Even More Concerning

The debate about Indian Americans is not happening in isolation. It is unfolding alongside a broader political debate about immigration.

And the latest developments involving the US Permanent Labor Certification programme, commonly known as PERM, are concerning for Indian professionals.

On October 8, 2026, reports emerged that the Trump administration had suspended several major technology companies from participating in the PERM process. The affected firms include Indian IT companies such as Infosys, Tata Consultancy Services, Wipro, HCLTech, and Cognizant, alongside other companies. The action affects employers who use it to sponsor eligible foreign workers for employment-based green cards.

This is especially relevant when anti-Indian rhetoric is gaining visibility. When people are already portraying Indian workers as a threat, immigration restrictions can reinforce the feeling that their presence is unwelcome.

Note the use of “indentured servants” and the last couple of words by the Vice President of the US:

Vice President JD Vance breaks down the data:

“If you are working as an H-1B visa in the United States of America, you’re earning $20,000 less than an American citizen hired in the same position. If you were brought in by one of these foreign outsourcing firms, you’re making $48,000 less than an American citizen in a similar position. So I’m sure that everybody here understands the game that is being played. You bring in indentured servants from outside the country, you lay off American workers and, if you’re a corporation, you make a ton of money by under cutting the wages of American workers, replacing them with people who frankly shouldn’t be in the United States of America to begin with.”— Vice President JD Vance (@VP) October 8, 2026

Final Thoughts

I don’t believe every criticism is racist. But I do believe that this incessant anti-Indian racism should be called out.

I believe Indian Americans should be able to celebrate their festivals, raise academically ambitious children, build successful careers, practise their faith, and participate in American society without having their entire identity put on trial. This is not too much to ask – considering they make up only 1.5% of American society.

***

Featured Photo by RDNE Stock project

Can Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) Really Challenge BJP?

Cockroach Janata Party (CJP)

Most Indians on social media probably already know about the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) by now. The online political campaign took shape after Chief Justice of India (CJI) Surya Kant sparked controversy during a Supreme Court hearing on May 15. During the hearing, he made observations comparing certain unemployed youths and social media critics to “cockroaches” and “parasites.” Soon after, sections of the anti-BJP online ecosystem turned the remark into a political campaign and launched the Cockroach Janata Party across X and Instagram. CJP positioned itself as an anti-BJP digital movement and later started campaigns asking people to unfollow BJP accounts on social media platforms.

I checked Social Blade after CJP asked its followers to unfollow BJP on social media. Since then, BJP’s follower count has only increased.

Social Blade Metrics for BJP India After CJP Call for Action

People who strongly dislike BJP probably were not following the party in the first place. That is why the whole “unfollow BJP” campaign feels more like online optics than a move with any real impact.

What also feels strange is that the original cockroach comment came from the CJI, yet BJP became the main target of the outrage campaign.

To me, this looks like the same old digital left ecosystem with the same familiar online voices trying to create another social media-driven political movement. I am not particularly impressed. The founder is reportedly an ex-AAP figure based in America who seems eager to build an Indian version of Mamdani-style politics.

Personally, I find both the name and the campaign childish. These kinds of online political revolutions succeed only when there is massive public anger against the government at the ground level. There is definitely strong anti-BJP sentiment in some circles, especially online. At the same time, there are also many people across India who genuinely support BJP, whether others agree with it or not. I saw this very clearly during my visit to North Bengal.

At the end of the day, the only real way to defeat a political party is through votes. South Indian states have shown this clearly. Governments change when opposition parties build strong grassroots support and connect with voters consistently. In many North Indian states, the bigger problem is that opposition parties simply are not strong enough on the ground. BJP and RSS have built an aggressive and disciplined grassroots network over many years. If anyone seriously wants to challenge them politically, they need to match that level of ground work, organization, and outreach. Social media campaigns alone are not enough.

What I Saw in North Bengal Changed My Political Views

Bengali woman and child picture

The recent election results in West Bengal and Tamil Nadu were genuinely surprising. When it comes to Kerala, like many Keralites, I was almost certain that the UDF, the Congress-led alliance in Kerala, would comfortably win. But what truly shocked most people across the country were the results from West Bengal and Tamil Nadu.

What North Bengal Told Me Before the Election Results Did

A few weeks ago, I travelled through North Bengal, and honestly, the experience changed many of my assumptions about West Bengal politics. Everywhere I looked, there was a sea of saffron flags stretching for kilometres. I barely saw any TMC flags during the journey. Coming from Kerala, the visuals felt surreal.

In Kerala, anti-BJP sentiment is very strong in many places. If such large-scale saffron displays appeared here, there would probably be outrage, protests, or even vandalism. So seeing that level of open BJP support in Bengal genuinely surprised me.

In my mind, I had always viewed TMC in West Bengal somewhat like CPM in Kerala, a left-leaning party with deep-rooted dominance and strong control over the political atmosphere. That is why the strong Hindu nationalist presence confused me initially. But this is exactly why travelling matters. Ground reality is often completely different from what we see through television debates, political influencers, or social media narratives. Sometimes, stepping outside your own state and talking to locals completely breaks your assumptions about the country. This was during my road trip to Bhutan. I would have missed this experience if I had taken a direct flight to Paro.

The saffron wave in Bengal is honestly something I do not think I would have understood without witnessing it personally. During the trip, several Bengali drivers confidently told me that BJP would win West Bengal “100%.” At that time, I dismissed their claims and assumed they were simply politically biased. Looking at the results now, it feels like they were actually reflecting the real mood on the ground.

The reasons they gave for BJP’s rise were many: unemployment, lack of development, safety concerns, the RG Kar case, Sandeshkhali, and the Murshidabad incidents. These issues mattered deeply to voters. They felt Mamata did not understand them.

The development gap especially stood out to me. Walking through parts of Bengal felt very different from being in Kerala. Both Kerala and North Bengal are naturally green and beautiful, but Kerala still has comparatively better infrastructure, roads, and modern facilities in many areas.

The Jaigaon-Bhutan Border Contrast Was Hard to Ignore

One experience that really stayed with me was the Jaigaon border crossing into Bhutan. The path leading to the pedestrian terminal was honestly terrible. Dragging luggage through the unpaved, rocky stretch felt exhausting, and my suitcase wheels practically begged for mercy. But the moment you crossed over into Bhutan, the contrast became impossible to ignore. Cleaner roads, better maintenance, organised surroundings, and a far more hygienic environment immediately stood out. My luggage wheels finally got some relief.

As Indians, we instantly notice the difference when we enter Bhutan. Naturally, it also made me wonder: shouldn’t Bhutanese visitors get a good first impression of India too? That feels like a fair expectation. I genuinely hope the authorities improve the Jaigaon border infrastructure soon, along with addressing the border fencing concerns involving Bangladesh.

Acceptance of People’s Mandate

One thing I absolutely dislike during election season is how quickly people start insulting voters when results do not match their personal expectations. The moment a party loses, some people immediately begin calling voters uneducated, illiterate, communal, casteist, misinformed, or manipulated. Others start blaming EVMs, the electoral system, or democracy itself.

But that completely defeats the point of democracy.

Whether we personally support a political party or not, the reality is that the majority made a choice. Tamil Nadu choosing TVK shocked many people. West Bengal voting strongly for BJP shocked many others. But instead of mocking voters, maybe people should spend more time asking why voters made those decisions in the first place.

Not every election result can simply be reduced to communalism or caste politics. Public frustration, disappointment with existing parties, selective outrage, governance issues, corruption allegations, and the desire for change all play a huge role in elections.

Take Sandeshkhali, for example. Personally, I rarely saw many liberal voices making strong noise about it compared to other issues. Over time, this kind of selective activism creates resentment among ordinary people. Eventually, voters start supporting whoever they feel is at least acknowledging their concerns openly and taking a visible stand. That, in my opinion, is one of the biggest reasons BJP performed strongly in West Bengal. Not because voters are ignorant or hateful, but because many people became frustrated with what they saw as hypocrisy and double standards from other political groups.

Similarly, many voters in Tamil Nadu probably saw actor Vijay as a fresh alternative to the traditional political choices they had for years. Maybe people simply got tired of the same two dominant options and wanted to give someone new a chance.

Election results are also the best time to quietly observe political bias from every side. In Kerala especially, I find it amusing to watch Congress supporters repeatedly celebrate by saying things like “democracy won” or “secularism won,” while the same groups often question EVMs, institutions, voter awareness, or the electoral process itself whenever results go against them in other states.

Accepting the people’s mandate should apply equally everywhere, not only when your favourite party wins.

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Photo by Soumyojit Sinha on Pexels

The Truth Behind Why Bail Was Denied to Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam

Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam Photo

With the Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam cases once again drawing global attention, especially after Umar Khalid’s father met US politician Zohran Mamdani, it’s the right time to scrutinize why the Supreme Court rejected bail pleas for both activists. The issue has sparked renewed discussion around India’s anti-terror law, the UAPA, and how it is applied in high-profile cases.

In the age of social media, misinformation often travels across the world long before the truth gets its moment. That makes it all the more important to examine each argument carefully and understand the reasoning behind the court’s responses. We are living in a time where selective fact-checking is common, misinformation is circulated to serve political agendas, and inconvenient truths are pushed out of sight. From what I have seen, some of the material relevant to this case has still not reached the wider public because it is rarely covered by mainstream media. As a result, distrust continues to linger.

Of course, for some people, no amount of truth really matters. What they seek is validation for their existing biases or political leanings. This post is not meant for that audience. No amount of proof can change such a mindset. It is written for readers willing to acknowledge facts when presented.

Getting back to the case, according to the prosecution, Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam were not just participants but masterminds who mobilised or influenced others during the events in question. The defence, however, put forward two key arguments while seeking their release on bail. Let’s take a closer look at what those arguments were and why the court chose not to accept them.

Defense Argument #1:
Not Directly Involved in Violence

Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Bail Defense Argument #1 Photo

One of the most repeated arguments, especially in Umar Khalid’s case, is that he was not present at the riot spots when the violence took place.

Court Response

The court indicated that the act of masterminding the riots, even without direct presence, was in itself sufficient. The court’s position was clear and firm: nothing comes above the interests of national security. On a prima facie assessment of the material placed before it, which includes videos, audios, posts, and messages, the court held that both Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam faced similar allegations of being the masterminds, which weighed heavily against granting bail. Due to their involvement in the larger plan, several people were killed and injured, including an intelligence officer.

Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Bail Defense Argument #1 Court Response Photo

It should be noted that provocative words alone can be enough to incite violence. This is not something new. Something similar was seen even before the Gujarat riots, where RSS members were found to have mobilised people through provocative speeches. Many who provoked never participated in the violence, but their words were enough. They were taken into custody and remained there for years.

This raises an important question: what makes those cases different from the cases of Sharjeel Imam and Umar Khalid, so that the latter deserves bail? Both instances were the same: provocative speeches leading to mass mobilization. The 2020 Delhi riots too had a communal angle, with tensions between different communities being stirred during the violence. Videos of the provocative communal speeches are available widely on X. WhatsApp groups were formed along religious lines, which added to the sense of division at the time.

Rather than relying on political influencers or commentators, I recommend reading the official case files to understand the facts as presented in court. You can find these by searching Google with terms like “Delhi NCT Sharjeel Imam pdf” and then looking within the document for specific details.

Often, religion is used as a tool to strengthen or manipulate one’s case, and that appears to have happened here as well. As someone who has gone through the provocative videos and social media posts of the two, it is difficult to see them as innocent. I cannot quote or reproduce those statements here because of their sensitive nature, but they are publicly available and can be found on social media platforms like X by searching their names.

Sharjeel Imam’s Facebook account is still active, while Umar Khalid has deleted his. I would recommend going through Sharjeel’s Facebook posts to see for yourself how passionately he tried to convince people to hit the streets. Some posts had a communal dimension as well. The content includes rhetoric that can be interpreted as calls for violence and even secession, which adds serious weight to the charges against them.

Defense Argument #2:
The Trial Delay

One more argument that often comes up is the long delay in the trials of Sharjeel Imam and Umar Khalid.

Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Bail Defense Argument #2 Photo

Court Response

The court maintained that a delay in the trial does not dilute the gravity of the case.

Also Read: CJI’s Remarks on Umar Khalid’s Trial Delays

Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Bail Defense Argument #1 Court Response Photo

The Final Verdict

The court observed that the polarising material appeared prima facie true, and this played a key role in denying bail to them as alleged masterminds.

Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Bail Rejection Decision Image
Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Proof Prima Facie True Image

The court admitted that balancing individual rights with the nation’s security is never an easy task.

Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Bail Is a Difficult and Sensitive Balancing Exercise Image
Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Liberty Subject to Stringent Conditions Image
Sharjeel Imam Umar Khalid Bail Rejection Summary Image

Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam were not denied bail because of unfairness or a failure of the legal system. Their bail was rejected because the court found the material presented before it to be valid and credible.

However, unless this material, such as videos or posts, is made available for public viewing in a structured and responsible manner, many people will continue to believe that the legal system itself is fractured. Since I have seen the provocative videos and social media posts and gone through the case details, I do not doubt the court’s reasoning.

But the lack of transparency leaves room for misunderstanding. It also creates space for political parties and interest groups to selectively present facts and shape narratives for their own benefit. Should there not be a mechanism to clearly explain why and how such decisions are taken, along with supporting material, so that the ordinary citizen does not have to rely on fragments found on their own?

Munambam Waqf Fight: Will BJP Finally Crack Christian Vote? (Legal Delays Inside)

Munambam Beach

I recently came across a video featuring an interview with Stalin Devan, the activist managing the legal research and paperwork for Munambam. In this interview with Shajan Skariah, Stalin shares that Father Joshy added him to a WhatsApp group with the Munambam residents and said, “Explain one point from the Act every day in simple words.” Over time, Stalin became their legal guide, and his efforts are one of the main reasons the community now understands the law so well.

The interview was informative in many ways. At a time when there is still no clear update from politicians or the media on what is actually delaying the resolution for Munambam, even after the Waqf Amendment Bill was passed, Stalin explains the situation with complete clarity.

Stalin Devan Exclusive on Marunadan
A screenshot of the video

The Three Possible Legal Outcomes for Munambam

According to Stalin, there are three possible solutions for Munambam:

  • The government restores revenue rights immediately.
    This can be done at any time if the Chief Minister approves an administrative order restoring those rights.
  • If the Supreme Court upholds the High Court order declaring the land not Waqf, all cases, tribunal, revenue, and others will automatically end.
  • If the Supreme Court rules otherwise, the next legal step will rely on the amended law using Section 2A.

Why Section 2A Cannot Be Used Yet

Earlier, I assumed that recent positive court developments were on the basis of Section 2A. I later realised that was incorrect. Stalin’s interview clarified it. He said:

“We must wait for the rules to be notified. Only after the rules come into force can we use the amendment. As soon as the rules are published, we will file a new petition before the Waqf Tribunal. Once the new rules take effect, the Waqf Board’s order cannot survive.”

It was only through him that I learned the rules tied to the amendment have not yet been fully implemented (central rules were notified in July 2025, but further steps, such as central and state compliance and the ongoing Supreme Court matter, are still pending). Once implementation of the rules is complete, Munambam will be able to use the amendment (Section 2A) fully to establish its rights.

This is where politics begins to overlap with law.

Where Politics Meets Law

Stalin said:

“When everything is resolved, people should celebrate and then withdraw the protest with dignity. But politics entered the issue, and some withdrew support — not because the problem is unresolved, but because they feared the BJP might gain political mileage.”

This is why I feel that even though BJP is the party that helped Munambam with the establishment of new Waqf amendments that can prove favourable to Munambam residents, the Congress-led alliance (UDF) may still win the election there.

Strategically, it makes sense. Now that they’ve pushed the BJP to change the Waqf rules, Christian voters can continue supporting the party they feel protects their religious interests, especially one that does not interfere with missionary activity.

UDF has traditionally been the preferred choice of many Christian voters in Kerala. However, their position on the Waqf Amendment has not aligned with what Munambam residents expected or hoped for. Even so, Christian voters may still continue supporting UDF, largely because they align with the coalition’s lack of anti-conversion sentiment.

Why Timing Matters to BJP and CPM

Here’s where it gets interesting. What follows is only my analysis, not a confirmed claim:

As mentioned earlier, the amendment becomes fully usable only after the remaining implementation steps (central and state action, portal uploads, surveys, and Supreme Court clarity). That process can take months, sometimes more than a year.

Because of that, the timing is now in the hands of both the Central Government (BJP) and the Kerala Government (CPM). Residents say Rijiju has not been active recently. It is possible that the central leadership is waiting to see how the political situation evolves before re-engaging. The BJP may already understand that, even with the support they are offering, they might still not gain full trust or support from the Munambam Christian community. Religious identity often influences decisions more than political assistance. BJP may choose to wait and see whether their support translates into goodwill before offering more help or speeding up the process. In short, they might be waiting for election results to analyze public sentiment.

Meanwhile, CPM has not yet updated or published Waqf lists in the state gazette or uploaded them to the central portal. This is of utmost importance to implement the waqf amendment. CPM has not given explicit technical reasons for the delay.

Current Status of the Waqf Amendment Process (December 5, 2025)

Central Government (BJP)

The Act itself was published and came into force in April 2025. Rules were notified in July 2025. But implementation is still pending: WAMSI portal digitization is incomplete, nationwide surveys and audits have not been done, and the Supreme Court stay since September blocks key provisions.

The central government’s delay primarily reflects implementation challenges. However, political considerations may also play a role, as governments often pace sensitive rollouts based on election outcomes and political advantage.

Kerala Government (CPM)

CPM has not published Waqf lists in the Kerala state gazette. Nor have they uploaded lists to the central portal (90-day deadline under Section 2A). Waqf Tribunal and Board procedures are not aligned yet.

The Kerala government’s delay appears more political in nature. They seem to be officially resisting the amendment.

My view is that the full rollout (central setup, state compliance, and Supreme Court resolution) will now unfold at a pace influenced by political timing. Legally, the delay should not be indefinite, but in practice, regulations and execution can remain pending for a long time if the government chooses.

Why Munambam’s Leadership Is Remaining Neutral

Politics has made the situation complicated.

Many in the Munambam Land Protection Council do not want the BJP to gain politically, but they appear to be trying to remain neutral as the process is still unfinished. The ball is still in the court of both CPM and BJP. This may also explain why Church leaders reportedly asked Joseph Benny, the head of the Munambam Land Protection Council, to withdraw from the election as a UDF candidate. Any outright political affiliation may prove disadvantageous to Munambam residents at this stage.

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Photo By നിരക്ഷരൻ at ml.wikipedia, CC BY-SA 3.0

From 26/11 to Delhi Blasts: Why the “False Flag” Narrative Must End in India

What surprises me more than the terror attacks in India is the speed with which some Indians dismiss them as “false flag operations.” For instance, a look at the comments under Faye D’Souza’s Instagram post about the Delhi terror blasts shows several users mocking the incident and blaming the Indian government instead of the perpetrators. Many genuinely seem to believe it’s a political ploy to influence votes rather than an act of terror.

The “false flag” narrative isn’t new. It has surfaced after nearly every major terror attack in India. Even the 26/11 Mumbai attacks were, at first, misrepresented by some as an internal operation. The claim gained attention mainly because Ajmal Kasab, one of the attackers, wore a saffron thread on his wrist. Those spreading the theory strangely assumed such a thread could only belong to members of BJP or RSS. They overlooked the possibility that it might have been deliberately used to mislead investigators.

Ajmal Kasab with Saffron Thread on His Wrist
Ajmal Kasab with Saffron Thread on His Wrist

Kasab’s real plan, as later revealed, was to die appearing as a “Hindu” and thus shift suspicion away from Pakistan-based handlers, reinforcing the myth of “saffron terror.” Thankfully, due to the extraordinary courage and sacrifice of Assistant Sub-Inspector Tukaram Omble, Kasab was captured alive and later confessed to being a Pakistani national trained by terrorists.

Tukaram Omble and Mumbai 26/11 Attacks
Tukaram Omble

By then, however, the false-flag theory had already gained widespread circulation. Well-known public figures even released a book titled 26/11: RSS ki Saazish? that promoted the “false flag” theory surrounding the attacks.

Influential Figures Promoting RSS ki Saazish Book
Influential Indian Figures Promoting “26/11: RSS ki Saazish?” Book

The “false flag” narrative resurfaced after the Pulwama terror attack, when a suicide bomber from Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) drove an explosive-laden vehicle into a CRPF convoy in Pulwama, Jammu & Kashmir, killing 40 soldiers. Following the attack, some voices in Pakistan, including senior officials, suggested that India might have staged the incident to influence the upcoming 2019 elections. Commentators in India echoed similar theories online, framing the tragedy as politically motivated rather than acknowledging it as an act of cross-border terrorism.

Then came the recent Pahalgam attacks, where Pakistani media outlets and online commentators claimed that India had staged the incident to divert attention from domestic issues and influence elections. They described it as part of an alleged “Indian playbook” of false-flag operations. Soon after, similar talking points appeared in sections of Indian social media and commentary spaces.

In each case, claims of “false flag operations” lacked credible evidence and were primarily rooted in conspiracy theories first circulated in Pakistan and later amplified by certain opinion groups in India.

The Global “False Flag” Obsession

It’s worrying that many people in India tend to believe external narratives about terror attacks rather than trusting verified investigations at home.

This pattern might have been up for serious debate if it only happened locally, but the deflection from religious extremism appears to be a global trend. To cite a few examples:

  • The 9/11 attacks are still viewed by some as a “false flag” orchestrated by the U.S. or Israel to malign Muslims. This is a theory long disproved but still used by extremist groups to recruit followers. They thrive on anger, convincing vulnerable minds that violence is the only response to perceived oppression. In India, extremist recruiters have similarly exploited stories like the Babri Masjid while dismissing events like the Godhra train burning as conspiracies, weaving grievance into a tool for radicalization.
  • The October 7 attacks in Israel were also met with widespread conspiracy claims, framed as a false flag operation meant to discredit certain groups.
  • Likewise, criticism of regimes such as Iran’s leadership, the Taliban, or Hamas is often dismissed as Western propaganda. This is another form of deflection that prevents honest introspection.

Conspiracies Shield Extremists

It’s time to move past the overused “false flag” narrative.

Each time a terror attack is dismissed as a conspiracy, it insults the victims, weakens trust, and blurs the line between truth and propaganda. These baseless claims don’t protect anyone. They only embolden extremists and deepen divisions.

Real courage and national unity will come from confronting facts, condemning violence without bias, and demanding accountability from those who spread hate, no matter where it comes from.

Ending the false flag obsession is the first step toward restoring integrity in how we respond to terrorism.