Thoughts on Pahalgam Islamist Terror Attacks on Hindus

The Pahalgam terror attack has deeply shaken most Indians. There is widespread anger over how Pakistan repeatedly escapes accountability, always armed with excuses and justifications.

India’s global PR remains weak, and our narrative often struggles to gain international traction. This was evident when Indians in New York pointed out the lack of coverage in local newspapers about the deadly attack. On an international subreddit, the news only gained attention after the now-viral zipline video was shared.

Many aspects of the attack are both infuriating and frustrating. The mood in India is one of outrage and a strong demand for retribution. Blocking Pakistani channels or celebrities no longer feels like enough, and emotional appeals from Pakistanis leaving India are falling on deaf ears. This attack has hardened public sentiment, and barring a few outliers, Indians squarely hold Pakistan responsible for the atrocity.

What Happened in Pahalgam?

To those unaware of the Pahalgam terrorist attacks in Kashmir, here’s a summary:

On April 22, 2025, five armed militants attacked tourists in Baisaran Valley near Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, killing 26 civilians (24 Hindu tourists, one Christian tourist, and one Muslim pony operator). Survivors reported that the assailants asked victims to state their religion or recite Islamic verses before executing them, indicating a targeted assault based on religious identity. Men were exclusively targeted. Women and children were let go to send a message to the government.

Some survivors reported that militants pulled down the pants of men to check for religious affiliation (circumcision) before executing them. A local Muslim pony operator, Syed Adil Hussain Shah, was also killed while attempting to protect tourists.

The Resistance Front, linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba, initially claimed responsibility, citing opposition to India’s residency policies in Kashmir, but later retracted the claim, possibly due to pressure from the Pakistan army and government.

The attack has escalated tensions between India and Pakistan, with India accusing Pakistan of supporting cross-border terrorism, leading to diplomatic and military standoffs.

Here are some personal reflections on the incident.

Pakistan is Unequivocally Responsible for the Pahalgam Attacks

The terrorists involved have either been identified as Pakistani nationals or as locals trained in Pakistan. Multiple foreign intelligence agencies, many from India’s key allies, have confirmed this, a fact echoed even by senior opposition leaders like Shashi Tharoor. The strong international support for India’s right to retaliate, especially from countries with robust intelligence networks, further validates this conclusion.

Pakistan’s claim of non-involvement is a hollow defense. It has a long history of denying its role in cross-border terrorism, despite being globally recognized as a terrorism hub. Numerous international reports support this assessment that Pakistan harbours terrorists. Yet Pakistan continues its unwillingness to acknowledge or address its complicity.

The U.S. State Department’s Country Reports on Terrorism (2023) have consistently highlighted Pakistan’s role in supporting terrorist groups. A 2023 CRS brief titled “Terrorist and Other Militant Groups in Pakistan” acknowledges that Pakistan has not addressed the presence and activities of India-focused terrorist organizations within its borders. Pakistan has faced accusations from various countries, including Afghanistan, Iran, apart from India, regarding its involvement in supporting terrorist activities.

Reports about Pakistani grooming gangs in the UK have recently gained wider attention. Channel 4 released a documentary titled “Groomed” to highlight the challenges posed by radical elements within the Pakistani community. However, many Pakistanis continue to deny these allegations, reflecting a broader reluctance to acknowledge responsibility.

Now, consider the situation in Balochistan. The Pakistani state consistently denies any human rights violations against the Baloch people or Afghan refugees within its borders. Despite numerous reports by international observers and activists highlighting enforced disappearances, military crackdowns, and systemic discrimination, the official narrative remains one of denial.

This consistent pattern of denial of wrongdoing can be observed among many Pakistanis. Rarely does one encounter a Pakistani voice calling for introspection or addressing internal societal issues. Their narratives often center around victimhood rather than accountability.

This is enough proof for us Indians to not blame our own citizens or institutions. We unequivocally hold Pakistan responsible for consistently enabling and orchestrating attacks on Indian soil.

Indians Are Tired of Pakistan-Sponsored Terrorist Attacks

The prevailing sentiment across the country is one of anger and exhaustion. Not since 26/11 has India witnessed such a brutal and calculated attack. But unlike then, today’s social media era has magnified public outrage, capturing raw emotions in real-time and amplifying them.

The Pahalgam attack has visibly polarized the population. Even those who once advocated for peaceful ties with Pakistan have changed their stance.

There is overwhelming support for any strong retaliation the Indian government may undertake. What is unacceptable, however, is inaction. The nation now waits to see how India’s leadership and armed forces will respond.

No Peace Talks

While Pakistan is appealing to the U.S. to urge India to show restraint, a line has clearly been crossed. One that makes peace talks impossible for India.

When Pakistanis ask India to consider the impact of war on innocent civilians, I can’t help but ask: Did they think of the 26 innocent lives lost in Pahalgam? Tourists who simply wanted a peaceful vacation were mercilessly killed. Empathy cannot be one-sided. True peace can only come when Pakistan stops meddling in India’s affairs.

Before the attacks, Pakistani military officer Asim Munir made blatant communal anti-Hindu and anti-India remarks. Shockingly, many in Pakistan praised him for it, calling him “based.” One wonders how Pakistani Hindus must have felt, hearing their own army chief endorse such dangerous rhetoric.

When a state is founded on religious division, lasting peace becomes elusive. With religion used as a political weapon, expecting normal, diplomatic ties is no longer feasible.

“Terrorism Has No Religion”

This is one of the most misleading narratives circulating in India today. Unless we openly acknowledge the religious motivations behind certain attacks, we cannot begin to address the root of the problem. The same voices that insist terrorism has no religion are quick to label incidents as “Saffron Terror” when Hindus are involved. If we must condemn all forms of terror, then Islamist terror should also be called what it is, without fear or double standards.

Many are quick to dismiss the religious angle of the Pahalgam attack as “Godi media” spin. But listen to the testimonies of the victims’ families. Wives of those killed have said the attackers asked about religion and demanded if the victims knew the Kalima. These weren’t random killings — Hindus and a Christian family were segregated and targeted based on their religion. They were shot because they couldn’t recite the Kalima. The one Muslim who lost his life was a case of collateral damage. He died while attempting to rescue tourists, not because he was targeted for his religion. His death, though tragic, was not the result of religious persecution. Denying this truth about religion-based terror doesn’t preserve harmony; it disrespects the grief of the families and gaslights the country.

Yes, these acts may be part of Pakistan’s larger plan to incite communal unrest within India. But brushing it aside for the sake of “secular optics” is irresponsible. Islamist terrorism must be named and condemned, just as we expect when extremism comes from the other side.

That said, this must not translate into hatred toward Indian Muslims. The goal should be unity, not division, at this hour, as Pakistan seeks to fuel our internal conflicts.

Online Narrative Building

A false narrative is being pushed by Pakistani accounts equating Kashmir to Gaza. Selective photos of demolished houses are being circulated to claim that innocent civilians are being targeted. The truth? Only a few houses, specifically linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists, have been taken down.

Why demolish these homes? Because it works. Uttar Pradesh saw a sharp drop in violence when this policy was applied. It strikes at the emotional core — many of these terrorists fear repercussions for their families more than for themselves. Harsh measures are sometimes the only language hardliners understand.

Don’t fall for the curated propaganda pushed by well-networked handlers online. Check the facts. Stand by the truth.

Believe the Victims

When the families of Hindu victims share that they received no help from locals, believe them. That is their lived experience. Gaslighting them to protect a broader narrative is unfair and unjust.

Yes, some locals helped tourists — that’s also true. But acknowledging one truth doesn’t mean erasing the other. Both realities can coexist. Let’s not silence genuine pain to score points in debates.

Let Justice Prevail

Pakistan must be held accountable for spilling innocent Indian blood and disrupting Kashmir’s path to peace and progress. This time, the punishment must be appropriate so that next time they will think twice before sponsoring terrorism.

Shocking Anti-Hindu Hate in Western Societies

The 2023 report “Anti-Hindu Hate in Schools” by Charlotte Littlewood highlights a critical but under-researched issue: the presence of anti-Hindu sentiment in UK schools.

While this blog post draws upon insights from the report, the broader focus is on Hinduphobia as a global phenomenon – what it means, how it manifests, and the constructive steps that are being taken to address its rise.

The full report can be accessed here: henryjacksonsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/HJS-Anti-Hindu-Hate-in-Schools-Briefing-final.pdf

The urgency to examine Hinduphobia stems from the way Hinduism is being misunderstood or misrepresented in Western societies. Many people, lacking a nuanced understanding of the religion, make casual remarks that are often bigoted in nature. They may be considered harmless or culturally acceptable in Western contexts.

This gap in awareness often results in prejudices being normalized, with little accountability or recognition of the harm caused.

What is Hinduphobia?

Hinduphobia is not a term widely recognized in mainstream discourse. In my view, “anti-Hindu bigotry” is a more accurate description, as the issue is not rooted in fear, but in prejudice, hostility, and a lack of understanding. It often stems from the fact that Hinduism operates differently from Abrahamic religious frameworks. This unfamiliarity can lead to stereotyping, dismissal, or open hostility, rather than genuine inquiry or respect.

As per the study, the working definition of Hinduphobia is as follows:

Hinduphobia is a set of antagonistic, destructive, and derogatory attitudes and behaviours towards Sanatana Dharma (Hinduism) and Hindus that may manifest as prejudice, fear, or hatred.

Hinduphobic rhetoric reduces the entirety of Sanatana Dharma to a rigid, oppressive, and regressive tradition. This discourse actively erases and denies the persecution of Hindus while disproportionately painting Hindus as violent. These stereotypes are used to justify the dissolution, external reformation, and demonization of the range of indigenous Indic knowledge traditions known as Sanatana Dharma.

The complete range of Hinduphobic acts extends from microaggressions to genocide. Hinduphobic projects include the destruction and desecration of Hindu sacred spaces; aggressive and forced proselytization of Hindu populations; targeted violence towards Hindu people, community institutions, and organizations; and ethnic cleansing and genocide.

Examples of Hinduphobia

The study lays out several examples that can be identified as Hinduphobia, many of which occur casually in everyday settings. These instances often go unnoticed or unchallenged, largely because Hinduphobia is not yet treated as a serious form of bigotry.

Calling for, encouraging, or justifying violence against Hindus, often rooted in extremist or distorted views of religion and history.
Kidnapping Hindu women and children for forced marriage and religious conversion.
Denying, downplaying, or accusing Hindus of fabricating their persecution, including instances of genocide.
Advocating for the destruction of Hinduism, framing it as inherently irredeemable.
Discrediting individuals who speak about Hinduphobia by labeling them as agents of violent or oppressive ideologies.
Attributing all social issues in Indian society, such as caste, misogyny, sati, communal violence, or temple destruction, solely to Hinduism.
Evoking historical trauma (e.g., iconoclasm, cow slaughter, forced conversions) to intimidate Hindus in modern discourse.
Making baseless claims about the political motives of those simply practicing Hinduism.
Linking antisocial behavior directly to Hinduism, often by selectively sampling data or falsely attributing individual actions to the faith as a whole.
Caricaturing Hindu scriptures through selective citation, mistranslation, or exaggeration, and presenting these distortions as representative of the entire tradition.
Claiming that Hinduism or Sanatana Dharma is not a valid or cohesive spiritual system.
Erasing Hindu civilizational contributions and superimposing Western norms over its historical and cultural identity.
Conflating diasporic Hindu identity with Indian citizenship, nationalism, or ethnicity.

As per my own observation, a contributing factor is the lens through which Hindus are viewed. The bigotry is shaped by the globalized “oppressor vs. oppressed” narrative, often based on selective or misunderstood portrayals of India. As a result, anti-Hindu activities at home or anywhere else are often seen as justified acts of revenge, grounded in the belief that “Hindus in India are oppressing minorities.” A quick look at social media during incidents involving anti-Hindu sentiments offers clear evidence of this bias.

Reactions often downplay or dismiss the issue, and in many cases, even justify the hatred by invoking political narratives, rather than addressing the prejudice for what it is.

Context and Need of the Study

The context and need for the study on rising Hinduphobia in UK schools are explained as follows:

“Hinduism is the third largest religion in the UK making up 1.7% of the population according to the most recent census. From 4 to 20 September 2022, there was civil unrest in Leicester, extending to Birmingham, including vandalism of property, assaults, stabbings, and attacks on places of worship.

The Henry Jackson Society briefing paper, “Hindu-Muslim civil unrest in Leicester: Hindutva and the creation of a false narrative,” evidenced community tensions relating to youth violence and noise control issues in relation to festivals that had been falsely dressed as “Hindutva extremism” and even “Hindu terrorism”, creating fear and resulting in attacks on Hindu temples and properties.

The Network Contagion Research Institute (NCRI) investigated the role social media played in the civil unrest. It concluded that social media narratives have characterised “a vulnerable, diasporic community – British Hindus – as an aggressive, hypernationalist, and fascist threat. Other narratives depicted Leicester Hindus as heretically evil and filthy, playing on age-old Hinduphobic tropes.”

Both the HJS report and the NCRI report noted the use of anti-Hindu slurs such as “cow piss drinkers” and references to polytheism, vegetarianism, physical weakness and mocking of Hindu deities and symbols.

When researchers began examining the unrest between Hindu and Muslim communities in Leicester, they encountered a notable gap: a lack of existing studies on anti-Hindu hate. This absence of research was one of the key motivations behind conducting a dedicated study on the subject.

The report also highlights how Hinduphobia has historically appeared in popular literature and academic discourse. For instance, E. M. Forster’s 1924 novel A Passage to India is cited as portraying Hindus as “perverted,” “clownish,” and “queer.”

Similarly, sociologist Max Weber viewed Hinduism as excessively otherworldly, a perception that contributed to the broader “theological othering” of Hindus. This form of othering continues today in the form of anti-Hindu slurs that mock the religion’s many deities and unique customs.

Another example comes from Allen Greenberger’s 1969 study on Indian stereotypes, where he described common portrayals of Indians as a “childlike race” who were “happy in their passivity, fatalistically so.”

Such characterizations may still influence how the media interprets Hindu behavior and presence. For instance, during and after the Leicester unrest, the press in the UK was criticized for failing to engage with the local Hindu community, instead relying on self-identified Muslim spokespersons who reportedly spread false narratives about Hindus in Leicester.

Moreover, rather than addressing the specific complexities on the ground, mainstream media coverage often diverted attention to political issues in India, as though those could explain or justify tensions in the UK. This approach not only homogenizes Hindus globally but also dismisses their individual and community experiences in diverse contexts like Leicester.

Abrahamic Othering

An interesting terminology used in the report was “Abrahamic Othering.”

The term ‘Hinduism’ was coined by British writers to refer to the family of Vedic religious traditions. Some modern Hindus prefer the name ‘Vedic religion’ or ‘Sanatana Dharma’ (‘eternal law’) rather than the label ‘Hinduism’.

Hinduism has multiple deities understood to be expressions of one ultimate Reality, be it God for theists or consciousness for monists. Hinduism does not follow one scripture but a number of scriptures that are given different emphases by different branches of the faith. Some argue the differences in the denominations are so great that they are separate religions entirely.

The preconceptions of Abrahamic faiths do not map neatly onto Hindu belief. Articulating Hinduism through the Abrahamic lens of Gods and scriptures is therefore problematic.

Respondents to this survey suggested that at least some UK schools continue to teach Hinduism through an Abrahamic lens without appreciating the limits of this approach. This fits with the findings and concerns of the Commission on Religious Education. Given the decentralised nature of religious curriculums in England and the lack of subject inspections in maintained schools, and given the considerable challenge of treating Hinduism sensitively in a UK context, such a finding is disappointing but unsurprising.

There are reports from some surveyed parents that lessons about Hinduism produce confusion and misconceptions about the Hindu belief in the existence of multiple Gods – 106 references were made to inaccurate perceptions of Hinduism with respect to polytheism/idol worship/multiple Gods.

Discrimination Against Hindus in UK Classrooms

Some of the discrimination observed in UK classrooms mirrored the forms of hate witnessed during the Leicester unrest between Hindu and Muslim communities.

In both settings, derogatory remarks were directed at Hindu identity and practices, including mockery of vegetarianism and the belittling of Hindu deities. These same types of insults were used by Islamist extremists during the rallies targeting the Hindu community in Leicester, highlighting a disturbing continuity between localized classroom prejudice and broader communal tensions.

Conclusion Based on Case Studies

Many case studies were conducted as part of the research, and based on these, the following conclusion was drawn:

This report highlights the prevalence of discrimination against Hindus in British schools, with 51% of Hindu parents surveyed reporting that their child has suffered anti-Hindu hate at school.

It is alarming that it is so hard to access information from schools on patterns of religiously-motivated bullying, and that the schools who did respond to this study’s FOI request either did not keep records of faith-based hate incidents or appeared to record very few incidents.

It is also alarming that only 19% of parents surveyed believe schools are able to identify anti-Hindu hate, indicating that the issue is not being addressed adequately. It may be that there is a tendency to downplay such incidents as ‘playground banter’.

However, several studies have observed that faith-based bullying has the potential to be more impactful than other forms of bullying, precisely because it targets not just the victim, but “their entire family, heritage, and culture”.

Schools should reflect on the harm such slurs cause, as well as the wider community divisions they may be helping to foster.

Constructive Steps

Small but significant steps are being taken to address Hinduphobia in Western nations.

Georgia recently became the first U.S. state to introduce a bill formally recognizing Hinduphobia and anti-Hindu bigotry. Similarly, the Scottish Parliament passed its first-ever motion to combat Hinduphobia, marking an important milestone in acknowledging the issue. The motion was influenced by a report on Hinduphobia in Scotland, which can be accessed here: nen.press/2025/02/28/gandhian-peace-society-shares-new-report.

These developments are a positive step toward challenging anti-Hindu bias and promoting awareness that, like all faiths, Hinduism, or Sanatan Dharma, deserves equal respect and protection from discrimination.

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Main Photo by Himesh Mehta

How the DEI Program Fostered Biases

How the DEI Program in USA Contributed to Fostering Biases

A recent set of DEI studies explores a critical question: Do the ideas and narratives central to many DEI trainings truly promote inclusivity and empathy?

Or do they end up deepening divisions and fueling hostility toward groups labeled as oppressors?

DEI Study Source: static.foxnews.com/foxnews.com/content/uploads/2024/11/anti-oppressive-dei-report-8.pdf

Social Experiment #1 – Exposing One Group to DEI Essays

The study found that individuals exposed to DEI material were more likely to perceive problems even where none existed. For example, one group was presented with a DEI essay by Ibram X. Kendi and Robin DiAngelo, while another group was not. Both groups were then asked to analyze the following scenario:

A student applied to an elite East Coast university in Fall 2024. During the application process, he was interviewed by an admissions officer. Ultimately, the student’s application was rejected.

A simple, straightforward survey. The scenario was deliberately created without mentioning the race or ethnicity of either the student or the admissions officer and contained no indicators of racism. Participants were then asked to evaluate the scenario using questions meant to assess how much racism they perceived in the interaction.

Results: The analysis showed that participants who read the Ibram X. Kendi/Robin DiAngelo essay developed a hostile attribution bias. They viewed the admissions officer as significantly more prejudiced compared to those who read a neutral essay. Despite no evidence of discrimination in the scenario:

Perceived discrimination rose by 21%
Perceived unfair treatment increased by 12%
Perceived harm to the applicant rose by 26%
Perceived microaggressions jumped by 35%

These strong results led NCRI to replicate the experiment with a national sample of college students, confirming that the effects were not limited to the original set of students. The follow-up study found similar outcomes.

Social Experiment #2 – Exposure to Anti-Islamophobia Training

Similarly, a nationally representative sample was recruited via Amazon Prime Panels to assess the impact of anti-Islamophobia content. Participants were shown two identical terrorism trial scenarios, one involving Ahmed Akhtar and the other George Green, both convicted of the same crime. In the group that did not receive anti-Islamophobia training, both trials were perceived as equally fair, showing no inherent bias or perception of Islamophobia. However, in the group exposed to anti-Islamophobia content, perceptions shifted: while views on George’s trial remained unchanged, Ahmed’s trial was rated as significantly less fair.

This indicates that exposure to anti-Islamophobia messaging led participants to perceive bias where none existed, introducing a new bias in favor of Ahmed despite both cases being identical.

These results suggest that anti-Islamophobia training may lead people to assume discrimination against Muslims, even in the absence of actual bias.

Concerns: How much is too much?

This reflects a broader concern. The DEI programs that heavily emphasize victimhood and systemic oppression may unintentionally distort perceptions of fairness, as also seen in the case of Hindu Brahmins. While these trainings aim to highlight real injustices, they also foster hostile attribution bias, a tendency to see prejudice where none exists.

Such distortions risk undermining public trust in institutions, even when those institutions are acting fairly. This is especially troubling given that these institutions, such as ISPU, also provide Islamophobia sensitivity training to federal agents.

Food for Thought

It makes us, Indians, reflect on our own perspectives too. How much of what we believe is shaped by personal thought and observation, and how much is simply absorbed from what we’ve read, heard, or been told?

We’re constantly surrounded by voices telling us what’s right, what’s wrong, what to support, and what to reject, so much so that we often stop thinking critically. We rely on others to give us the “truth,” but how can we be sure those sources are unbiased or even complete?

In the pursuit of justice, I see a troubling pattern: one group being demonized, while another’s wrongdoings are overlooked. That’s not justice, it’s imbalance.

True justice can only be achieved when we hold all sides accountable, without bias, without exception. To do that, we need to cultivate a rational, balanced mindset, one that isn’t rigid or exclusionary. Listen to all sides, and stand with the truth, not with narratives that vilify entire communities or sections of society.

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Photo by cottonbro studio

The Demonization of Brahmins

The following snippet is from a DEI study by the Network Contagion Research Institute (NCRI) in the U.S. The diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) program, originally meant to raise awareness, appears to have backfired in some areas. By framing everything through an “oppressor vs. oppressed” lens, it has ended up vilifying the Hindu Brahmin community, similar to the Jewish community.

Source: static.foxnews.com/foxnews.com/content/uploads/2024/11/anti-oppressive-dei-report-8.pdf

While DEI narratives often focus on Islamophobia and racial discrimination, caste-based bias among American Hindus has largely remained outside the spotlight. Though widely recognized in India, caste discrimination has only recently started gaining attention in the U.S., leading to the introduction of caste-sensitivity training in schools, workplaces, and policy discussions. But did they have the desired effect? Studies show otherwise.

The vilification of Brahmins began in India, where they are often targeted for everything, from their dietary habits to their lifestyle choices. What should have remained a focused activism against caste discrimination has unfortunately expanded into a broader mockery of the community as a whole. Even Brahmins who reject caste-based thinking are not spared.

Like anyone else, a Brahmin does not choose the caste they are born into. So, isn’t attacking them solely for their birth also a form of casteism? Every community should be open to critique for its flaws, but no one should be dehumanized for simply existing.

Awareness is important, but this study shows that excessive activism can cross a line and end up vilifying an entire community. In the findings, respondents described Brahmins as “parasites,” “viruses,” and “the devil personified.” How is that fair, or even acceptable, in the name of social justice?

How Long Must We Wait?

Religious fundamentalism is gradually rising in Kerala. Yet few dare to question it. Perhaps because it originates outside the Hindu community.

Members of the Muslim League, an ally of Congress in Kerala, now openly claim that the hijab is not a choice and are pushing for gender segregation in public spaces like the Mec7 exercise program. Recently, a religious leader criticized a Muslim widow for traveling to Manali, insisting that widows should remain at home and devote themselves to prayer. Others are now openly urging community members to refrain from participating in non-Muslim festivals, further deepening social divisions. Meanwhile, Hamas and Hezbollah supporters freely display posters of their leaders in Kerala, despite these groups’ ties to Pakistani terrorist organizations like JeM and LeT, which have carried out multiple attacks in India.

Was there any outrage from political parties or within the community? None at all.

When you point out the lack of internal criticism, the common response is that speaking out invites real danger and that reforms take time. While it’s true that advocating change within the Muslim community is difficult and radicals may threaten dissenters, how long must we wait? Another century? Should we remain silent and allow religious fundamentalism to grow unchecked? If no meaningful reforms have happened so far, what guarantees change in the future? If the community cannot challenge extremist views now, how will they resist when these forces become even stronger and impose their rules on others?

We are already seeing glimpses of this with the Waqf Board’s land disputes, where properties legally owned by other communities are being claimed. Why should non-Muslims be bound by Waqf rules? If the land originally belonged to Muslims, the claims may hold merit. However, many of these properties now belong to other communities. If they were encroachments, why did the Waqf Board fail to prevent them? In cases where the land was legally sold, why is it being reclaimed now? The Board’s mismanagement highlights the urgent need for Waqf reforms to prevent future disputes.

Unfortunately, political parties are misleading the Muslim community, falsely claiming that reforms would lead to property seizures. The reality is that corrupt politicians have more to lose than ordinary Muslims, especially the poor. Many are likely benefiting from Waqf properties, living in luxury through corruption. The revenue generated from Waqf assets is disproportionately low compared to their vast holdings, raising questions about where the money is going. Instead of being used for community development, it is likely being siphoned for personal gain.

This is why reforms are crucial. However, many in the community rely on their leaders for information, unaware that they are being misled. These leaders manipulate facts for their own interests, radicalizing and mobilizing people with lies. This is why it’s important that citizens seek information from multiple sources—both left- and right-leaning—to avoid being deceived.

It is a mistake to believe that only the BJP spreads communal hatred. Congress leaders have also exploited the Manipur issue, framing it as a Hindu vs. Christian conflict when it is, in fact, an ethnic dispute. When Hamas posters appear in Kerala and critics raise concerns, Congress dismisses them as “Islamophobia.” This selective outrage makes them unreliable as leaders. They are vocal against Hindu extremism but silent when it comes to Islamist fundamentalism.

Some progressive Muslims argue that meaningful reforms require both external pressure, such as government intervention, and internal efforts from within the community. However, in India, any government-led push for reform risks being labeled Islamophobic. This, in turn, gives radicals more ammunition and invites criticism from the Western world, which often misinterprets such actions as oppression rather than necessary change. Moreover, since Hindus form the majority, any move by the Indian government is framed as an attack on Muslims, further polarizing the discourse and making genuine reform even harder to achieve.

At this point, the situation feels like a deadlock. Either we wait indefinitely for internal reforms, which may never come, or the government steps in, triggering backlash and further polarization. Both paths are fraught with challenges, and in either case, things could turn messy. The fear of being labeled Islamophobic limits external intervention, while internal resistance to change keeps fundamentalist views unchecked. This leaves little room for meaningful progress, making the prospect of reform seem increasingly distant.

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Photo by Pixabay

An Ode to The Mehta Boys

Wholesome movies are rare these days in Indian cinema, making them feel like an oasis in a desert when they do appear. The demand for feel-good movies is higher than ever, as seen in the success of re-releases like Laila Majnu and Sanam Teri Kasam, which prove that Indian audiences are eager for romance and uplifting cinema. It is during such a time that The Mehta Boys has arrived on OTT (Amazon Prime).

The Mehta Boys is a poignant, understated father-son drama centered on their dysfunctional relationship. Open communication and emotional expression are not their strengths, often leaving them struggling for words. Boman Irani portrays a grieving husband learning to cope with his loss, while Avinash Tiwary plays his talented yet self-doubting son. The heart of the story lies in their journey toward accepting each other’s imperfections.

We often see such father-son dynamics play out in real life. In many Indian families, open displays of affection are rare, making the relationship feel more formal than familial. Conversations typically revolve around daily chores and future plans, with emotions deliberately left out. The Mehta Boys captures this dynamic perfectly, portraying characters who have much to say but choose to hide behind silence.

Boman Irani has done an exceptional job as a first-time director, leaving me eager to see what he creates next. Avinash Tiwary, as always, excels, effortlessly bringing out the angst, anxiety, and awkwardness of a character who gradually finds his voice. He shines, leaving you wondering why you don’t get to see him on-screen more frequently. Instead, audiences are repeatedly offered star kids given endless chances to prove themselves, while talented actors like Avinash, who have already showcased their brilliance in just a film or two, are left waiting. It’s unfair, but all one can do is wait for movies like The Mehta Boys to arrive, offering a well-deserved cinematic experience.