Why Do Hindus Vote for BJP?

I’m a Palakkad native, and I had travelled home just to vote during the Lok Sabha elections. To make it clear, I have no loyalty to any political party and have voted for different parties over the years based on their performance and activism. I believe pledging unwavering support to any single party prevents us from critically examining their flaws. However, this time, voting for the CPI(M) was not an option, as I am well aware of its shortcomings during its second term in power.

I decided I would vote for Congress in the Lok Sabha elections. But then October 7 happened, and I saw Congress’s response to it, especially how they tried to silence Shashi Tharoor in Kerala for criticizing Hamas. It came as a shock and played a key role in changing my decision. That’s when I realized, unfortunately, this party is no different from those it criticizes. The Opposition parties in India excel at criticizing far-right Hindu groups, but avoid condemning far-right Islamist groups in society, fearing backlash from supporters.

People call out the BJP and RSS for sheltering far-right Hindus. But how is Congress different if it shelters far-right Islamists? Both cater to extremes. BJP voters are criticized for supporting a party that allegedly wants to turn India into a Hindu nation. Congress voters should ask themselves the same question: why support a party that mollycoddles groups that have once openly called for turning India into an Islamic nation? How would it make the majority of Hindus feel?

So, when people ask why Hindus vote for the BJP, the answer is simple. If the choice is between far-right Hindus and far-right Islamists, many Hindus will pick what feels safer. Left-leaning Hindus may sympathize with Islamist groups, seeing them as victims. But most in the community, just like any other community, vote on the basis of safety.

Congress and Islamist Ties

In the upcoming Nilambur by-election in Kerala, the Welfare Party has now openly declared its support for the Congress candidate.

To the uninitiated, the Welfare Party is the political arm of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, a group known for its fundamentalist views. This group shares roots with the Jamaat movements in Pakistan and Bangladesh, which are often accused of anti-Hindu activities.

As per the New Indian Express report, “It’s learned that the Welfare Party, backed by Jamaat-e-Islami, has put forward various demands, including making it an associate party of the UDF. However, no assurance has been received in this regard so far.” This is a common far-right Islamist tactic in democracies across the world: try to join mainstream parties to gain power, resources, and reach. Once these groups gain enough strength, their true agenda emerges, often centered around enforcing religious doctrine. We see this happening in Bangladesh today. A similar pattern unfolded in Iran in 1979, when leftists and Islamists joined forces to establish an Islamic regime. This led to widespread persecution and the exodus of many Persians, some of whom sought refuge in India.

Many leftists, in both India and abroad, often align with Islamist groups unknowingly, driven by a genuine desire to support the persecuted and uphold justice. However, this well-meaning approach is frequently exploited by far-right Islamist groups for their own agenda. It’s fair to say that many on the left still operate with this same mindset, unaware of the long-term consequences.

Such Islamist groups remind me of the Persian movie “The Seed of the Sacred Fig” (playing on Amazon Prime), a 2024 crime drama film directed by Mohammad Rasoulof. The movie starts with an explanation of strangler figs, a type of parasite that grows on a host tree’s branches. As they grow, their roots reach the ground and thicken. Eventually, they wrap around the host tree, in a way “suffocating” it. Over time, the host tree dies from lack of light and nutrients, while the fig survives independently. I hope Congress and other left-leaning parties realize that they are the “hosts” in this equation.

Both the Welfare Party and SDPI have been trying to win Congress’s favour in Kerala. Their open support was clearly visible in places like Palakkad (my hometown). The fact that Congress is not distancing itself from these groups is a matter of concern. The party appears to seek the support and votes of such groups to win, which may explain its consistent silence or hesitation in condemning Islamist acts. But how far are they willing to go? Will there come a time when they finally strike deals with the devil because they can’t win anymore without their support or votes?

Valid Concerns

Can you really blame Hindus for refusing to vote for parties that associate with groups that seem more likely to drag India down a path similar to Pakistan or Afghanistan?

Let’s not forget the current state of Bangladesh. JEI has played a significant role in steering Bangladesh toward radical Islam. If India were ever to become an Islamic nation, it wouldn’t resemble the UAE or Bahrain. It would more likely mirror Pakistan or Bangladesh, where radical Islamist groups wield substantial influence. Unlike the Gulf nations, which strictly ban and suppress such groups, India still hesitates to even name them. The moment any criticism is raised, it’s quickly dismissed as Islamophobia by human rights activists.

No One’s Truly Secular

In the end, no one is truly secular. Most people vote thinking, “Which party is best for my community?” — not for the nation. That’s why, in Kerala, Congress is the preferred party for many Christians, and a large section of Muslims support the Muslim League. So why is the burden of voting on the basis of secularism placed only on Hindus?

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Feature Representative Image Source: Shutterstock

Empuraan and Its Controversial Take on Gujarat Riots

Empuraan is facing criticism from the right wing for allegedly promoting a biased narrative. Many are calling it a political propaganda film with a pro-Congress stance. How true is the allegation?

Spoilers Ahead

I haven’t watched the movie yet, but I’ve heard that the first 30 minutes focus on the Gujarat Riots. It depicts some of the most horrific incidents from that time. Reportedly, the film includes a rape scene that’s highly debatable. This particular rape story has been circulating since the time of the Gujarat Riots but remains unverified, with no solid evidence to support it. Additionally, the Godhra train burning in the movie is reportedly depicted as something that happened by accident. This portrayal gives the impression that the film is based on the findings of the Banerjee Committee Report, a report that was later ruled invalid, unconstitutional, and politically manipulated by the court. The Nanavati-Mehta Commission Report is the report that was officially accepted as the authoritative account of events due to its presentation of evidence. This information was also covered in the recent film The Sabarmati Report.

The Banerjee Committee was set up in 2004 by the UPA government, led by the Congress party. The committee’s report was released just before the Bihar Assembly elections, apparently to influence the election results and weaken the BJP’s position. The report concluded that the Godhra train fire was accidental, contradicting the BJP’s stance that it was a pre-planned attack.

However, the Nanavati-Mehta Commission later confirmed that the train burning was a premeditated communal act, not an accident.

The investigation found that large quantities of petrol were purchased a day before the incident from a nearby petrol pump.
The forensic report confirmed the presence of petrol residues inside Coach S-6, where the fire broke out.
Eyewitnesses and forensic evidence suggested that petrol was thrown into the coach and set on fire, indicating a pre-planned attack rather than an accidental fire.

For Malayalees who prefer not to watch The Sabarmati Report, I recommend a documentary on YouTube by the Sanchari channel. It’s in Malayalam and provides a detailed account of the Godhra train burning. I am attaching a screenshot of the video below.

The documentary is likely one of the first of its kind in Malayalam. It offers a detailed look at the various angles of the Godhra train burning, the different reports that emerged, the political maneuvering involved, and the final conclusions drawn. If you are a Malayalee interested in research and fact-checking, I highly recommend watching this video.

Naturally, Congress is supporting Empuraan, just as the BJP backs right-wing films when they are released. Even if Empuraan turns out to be entirely pro-Congress, I support the creator’s right to make and release such a film. Several right-wing movies have been produced in India recently, so a left-leaning perspective is equally valid in a democratic space. However, as viewers, we must avoid taking any movie as absolute truth. Instead, we should conduct independent research, considering both left-leaning and right-leaning sources to develop a balanced understanding of the subject.

Codemning Hamas without Justifications

For the uninitiated, in February 2025, during the annual Uroos festival at a mosque in Thrithala, Palakkad district, Kerala, a procession featured banners displaying images of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders.

These banners were prominently displayed atop elephants. The event drew over 3,000 participants and sparked widespread controversy and discussions on social media. Critics questioned the organizers’ decision to include images of individuals associated with designated terrorist organizations. The participation of local political figures, including Congress leader VT Balram and Minister MB Rajesh, further intensified the debate. They maintained the status quo of excusing terror sympathizers by criticizing media outlets for allegedly using the incident to target the Muslim community and Kerala at a national level.

During a News18 Kerala debate, a Malayalee Muslim from Palakkad admitted that what happened at the Uroos was wrong. However, he dismissed concerns by saying, “The event was organized by kids who randomly picked images from the Internet. They had no idea who these people were, so we shouldn’t make a big deal out of it.”

This raises an important question: Why is it that when left to “randomly” select images, they chose figures linked to terror groups instead of respected Muslim leaders, scientists, or sports personalities? A former Indian Army officer who was stationed in Kashmir responded thoughtfully: “If they were simply Googling, why not Abdul Kalam, cricketers like Siraj or Shami, or Muslim soldiers who died protecting our nation? Why did they choose a group in cahoots with Pakistani militant groups like LeT and JeM? Instead of dismissing this, we should educate young people about who should be admired and who should not. Only then can our nation progress. We also cannot keep excusing such incidents as the actions of innocent children. Recently in Europe, a teenager attempted a suicide bombing, and in another case, four children from the same family were radicalized into extremism.”

The Malayalee panelist logged out before responding, but a Muslim League leader acknowledged the need for change. However, like many others accused of spreading hate, he quickly shifted the discussion, saying, “Yes, all of this is bad, BUT Israel is committing genocide.”

This pattern of deflection is becoming more common. When doctors in Australia were suspended for their hate speech, the response from left-leaning supporters and a major Australian Muslim group was, “They should not have been suspended because Israel is committing genocide.” When California faced wildfires, some even claimed, “Well deserved because the U.S. supplies arms to Israel.”

The Israel-Hamas war is being used to justify hate and extremism worldwide. While criticism of geopolitical events is valid, it cannot be a shield for promoting radicalism or excusing problematic behavior.

If we applied the same logic, we could say, “Islamophobia is wrong, BUT Islamist groups like ISIS have mass-murdered people.” That would be an absurd and dangerous argument, just as deflecting discussions on extremism with geopolitical grievances is.

Condemning violence and radicalization should not come with conditions. No ifs or buts—wrong is wrong, no matter who commits it.

Why don’t we see progressive Muslim nations like the UAE and Bahrain glorify Hamas on the streets, unlike India? Because they understand the consequences— supporting such groups could destabilize their own countries and invite extremism. They firmly recognize the Muslim Brotherhood, the group from which Hamas originated, as a terrorist organization and have banned it, seeing it as a source of extremism. In contrast, many Western countries have not taken similar action in their attempt to uphold secular values. This could also explain why leaders of many Muslim nations maintain ties with Modi, meeting him and discussing business, decorating him with awards and honors, instead of ostracizing him. They likely recognize where some of the propaganda against him stems from.

1921 Moplah Riots: False & Misleading Left-Wing Claims

In 1921, Kerala witnessed the Moplah Riots, where numerous Hindus were killed in communal violence. However, to this day, Congress and CPI(M) refuse to acknowledge it as a communal riot and instead label it a “class struggle between Hindu landlords and Muslim peasants.”

I also believed the class struggle narrative until I read B.R. Ambedkar’s book, The Partition of India. He clearly highlights the communal nature of the Moplah Riots, mentioning temple destruction, mass killings, and forced conversions of Hindus.

Some clippings from the book:

Source: Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar : Writings and Speeches (Vol. 8)

If Hindus were specifically targeted, their temples destroyed, and they were forcibly converted, how can this not be considered a communal riot? Ambedkar’s account challenges the attempt to whitewash history by reducing it to just a landlord-peasant conflict.

Here is the question I asked AI and the response it generated:

Question: Were temples destroyed during the Moplah riots?

Answer: Yes, several temples were destroyed, looted, or desecrated during the Moplah Riots of 1921 in the Malabar region of Kerala.

Historical Accounts of Temple Destruction:

Looting and Desecration:
- Many Hindu temples were attacked, idols were broken, and valuables were looted.
- Records mention temples like the Thirumandhamkunnu Bhagavathy Temple being desecrated.
Forced Conversions and Killings:
- The riots targeted Hindus, with reports of forced conversions, massacres, and mass displacement.
- Many Hindus fled their villages, leaving temples unprotected.
British Reports and Historical Records:
- British colonial reports and contemporary eyewitness accounts mention temple destruction.
- Annie Besant and Veer Savarkar documented attacks on Hindu religious sites.

Conclusion:

Yes, temples were destroyed and desecrated during the Moplah Riots, which started as an anti-British uprising but later turned into violent communal attacks against Hindus in Malabar.

So how can it be concluded as merely a class struggle? Next time, someone dismisses the communal angle of the Moplah Riots as propaganda, one should ask, “Why were temples destroyed if the riots weren’t communal? Why did conversions happen? Was Ambedkar lying in his book?“

This is just one of the many lies spread by Congress and CPI(M). Why do they do it? Only they know. Perhaps to ensure Hindus keep supporting them, or maybe to prevent the majority community from developing resentment.

The second reason might have been understandable if only they didn’t paint Hindus as villains in other communal conflicts. The lack of consistency exposes their bias.

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Photo by RDNE Stock project

12 Hard-hitting Quotes from A Thousand Cuts

I purchased A Thousand Cuts because I wanted to know Professor T.J. Joseph’s side of the story. Those who don’t closely follow news from South India might not have heard of him. I will offer an introduction before moving on to the quotes from his book.

Who is Professor TJ Joseph?

Professor T.J. Joseph is a retired college professor from Kerala, India. He gained significant attention after he became a victim of religious extremism. The tragedy that occurred in 2010 shook Kerala to the core and impacted the communal harmony of the state. Never had Kerala witnessed such a radical act in modern history. How and why did this happen?

The Tragic 2010 Incident

In 2010, while working as a Malayalam professor at Newman College in Kerala, Professor Joseph set up a question paper for an exam. One of the questions unexpectedly became viral due to its controversial nature. Professor T.J. Joseph did not mean any harm when he drafted the question. He had simply taken influence from a book that he had read. But alas, many misunderstood the actual intention behind the question and accused the Professor of blasphemy.

Despite offering an apology, communal tensions refused to die down. The religious were angry. Fearing for his life, and feeling utterly unsafe in his surroundings, he ran away from home. After moving from one district to another, he finally decided there was no point in hiding, especially when he had done no wrong. He returned home, only to be eventually attacked by PFI members. He was mercilessly beaten up, and his right hand, which the extremists accused of writing the “dreaded” question, was severed in front of his family, neighbors, and other village folk who stood shellshocked, too scared to intervene. It took multiple complex surgical procedures to re-attach his hand.

Kerala is a state that is renowned for its communal harmony. But it is also known for its appeasement politics. The state government, politicians, and media did little to help Professor TJ Joseph. His Church abandoned him out of fear and ego. The Professor ended up losing his job in the college on the grounds of misconduct, although he was later reinstated after public outcry and intervention by authorities. He was the sole breadwinner in his family, and his wife and children had to endure many hardships due to his job loss. His wife, Salomi, slowly went into depression and died by suicide. The chapter on his wife is the only chapter without a title. It’s as if words aren’t enough to encapsulate the depth of his grief.

I bought his book because I had only heard the media’s version of his story till now. We all know by now how the media often tries to cover up facts based on their own biases. The present state of mainstream media made me purchase the book. I am glad I did it. The details are chilling. The points I am giving are only a summary of the things that happened. When you read the book, you are transported into Professor Joseph’s world of art, cinema, poetry, desperation, fear, courage, and resolve. He explains every little incident in vibrant detail. You can’t help but shed a few tears. I feel Kerala collectively failed him. Yet, his optimism and his dry sense of humor prevail and serve as a source of inspiration. Here’s a teacher who is teaching everyone in his own unique way how to combat the extremes that life throws at you.

Professor T.J. Joseph’s case remains one of the most shocking cases of religiously motivated violence in Kerala. The incident sparked widespread anger and discussions about freedom of expression and religious intolerance. The PFI members involved were later arrested and convicted. But, sadly, as a society, we still remain religiously intolerant. If you take a peek at the comments under any of his videos or news articles, you will know what I mean.

Quotes from Professor TJ Joseph’s Book

In an apology of a democracy, the interests of the mob got weightage over anything else, even if those interests were born out of ignorance, against truth and flagrantly unethical. Vote banks comprise such mobs. They shoulder the chair of power.

Marital life is a kind of war. An extraordinary war that lasts a lifetime. In a normal war, the one who defeats the opponent wins the war. In a marriage, the one who defeats the other will also lose. Therefore, marriage is a war where one must win without defeating the significant other.

My rationale was that as I had taught thousands of students, a large number of whom were Muslims, even if some misguided elements wanted to harm me, wouldn’t they first ask my students, and wouldn’t my students stand up for me and disabuse them of their wrong notions about me?

The mind of a student of literature must be dispassionate. Only in a place where there is no entrenched emotion can all emotion enter. Only in spaces where no one belief has nested itself can enlightenment enter and soar.

As I lay there accepting gifts and graces, I thought I must not merely forgive my attackers but thank them as well. For until then, I had never received so much love and care.

The attack on me was condemned even by Muslim organizations. The Church authorities alone remained silent.

I have been told that the gang that attacked me was made up of active members of an organization called Popular Front of India (PFI) and its political wing known as the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI). All the members of the attack gang were then sent to various safe houses and shifted from one to another frequently with the help of many sympathizers.

The fish seller in our area in Muvattupuzha was a Muslim. Earlier, if we asked for half a kilo, we would receive exactly half a kilo. That has changed since: when we ask for half a kilo, we get at least three-fourths of a kilo. Only when I threatened to stop buying his fish if he didn’t accept payment did he, very reluctantly, start to accept money from me again.

Pinarayi Vijayan said that the whole of Kerala was on my side and that there was no difference between the extremists from PFI who had chopped off my hand and the church diocese that owned and managed the college.

At one time, having run out of funds, when I was at the end of my tether, Yukthivadi Sanghatana (Rationalists Organization) turned up with the money they had collected for me. I asked myself, why would they need other gods when they are themselves playing the role of God?

After I was attacked and maimed, I appealed to the state chief minister and home minister to withdraw the blasphemy case filed by the police against me of their own accord. The government had no will or courage to withdraw a case they had got instituted for communal appeasement.

The view that the suicide was caused by the unjust and immoral ways of the Newman College authorities predominated. One thing is certain, a dead Salomi is more powerful than a live Salomi. Because what she couldn’t achieve while alive, she could, by dying—bring the management to change their mind.

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Photo by Bithinraj Mb

Munambam Waqf Dispute: Why India’s Opposition Parties Need to Reflect

600 families in a small coastal area in Kerala risk losing the properties they paid for. Reason: The Waqf claims the land is theirs.

What is Waqf?

A waqf is an Islamic endowment of property or assets designated for religious, charitable, or social purposes.

In India, waqf properties are managed by the Waqf Board, a government body responsible for overseeing and regulating these endowments.

What is the Munambam Waqf Issue?

The Munambam Waqf issue is a complicated land dispute. This land, which covers approximately 404 acres, is located in a place called Munambam in the Ernakulam district of Kerala.

Historically, the land belonged to the Kutchi Memon community. They migrated to Kerala for trade and were granted this land by the Travancore kingdom. In 1950, part of the land was donated to Farook College as Waqf property, intended for educational purposes. Farook College went on to sell this land to the current property owners of Munambam.

In recent years, the Kerala Waqf Board has claimed ownership of the land. This has led to significant tensions among local residents, most of whom are Christian families and fishermen who have lived there for decades with legal ownership. This is not a communal issue, as even Muslim families have been affected by Waqf.

The claims by the Waqf Board have prevented the residents from managing their properties. They cannot pay taxes or sell their land to meet personal needs, such as funding their child’s education or obtaining health treatments. The residents assert that the claims by the Waqf Board are invalid, as they fairly paid for the property.

Politicians from Congress and CPI(M) insist the property is not Waqf to console the residents. However, the Waqf Board says the land is indeed Waqf and the 600 Munambam families are encroachers who need to eventually vacate the area.

The Munambam residents were initially told to approach the Waqf tribunal to fight their case, as the court is unauthorized to handle Waqf land matters. This requirement is enabled by the current Waqf Act introduced by Congress, forcing victims to seek justice from the perpetrators themselves. Across India, there are 70,000 such cases pending, which the court cannot address until the Act is reformed.

How to Resolve this Issue?

To prevent this issue from escalating, political parties must ensure that the vulnerable families in Munambam are provided justice. If they paid for the property, it is theirs to keep. Another community’s beliefs should not be imposed on them. It will lead to matters turning communal.

Concerns

This is not the only Waqf dispute in the country. The Waqf Board is claiming acres of land in other states of India, one of which houses a temple that is older than Islam itself.

The opposition parties, especially Congress, need to ensure the poor do not suffer because of discriminatory laws. For that to happen, all political parties need to work together to reform the existing Waqf law in India that allows such unfair claims.

I’m observing that the Waqf issue in Munambam is causing more Christians in Kerala to support the BJP. The matter has also drawn the attention of churches, which are advocating for reforms to protect property rights in cases like this.

If the reforms do not get passed in the winter session of parliament due to the appeasement politics of the opposition parties, the political landscape might shift significantly in favor of the BJP. It might change the political beliefs of many, who until now used to treat the BJP as untouchables.

The opposition parties’ best course of action is to back the Waqf reforms and avoid misleading the underprivileged with false promises. Words are not enough at this moment. The parties need to proactively initiate a discussion with the Waqf Board and ensure the poor get justice.