Book Review: Being Hindu in Bangladesh

There’s so much I want to say about Being Hindu in Bangladesh, a book written by Avishek Biswas and Deep Halder, but I don’t think my words would do justice to my emotions. Whatever I write would be a watered-down version of what I felt while reading.

The authors are sons of refugees who once fled Bangladesh. They wrote this book during Sheikh Hasina’s rule, a time when they could safely visit Hindu areas and speak openly with locals, scholars, and researchers about the past.

It was a deeply uncomfortable read. Especially as I kept coming across recent posts from people in Bangladesh on Reddit, worried about the country slipping back into radicalism. It felt like history was repeating itself. On top of that, there were people, including the global and Indian left-leaning media, trying to downplay the communal angle in Bangladesh so as not to flare up Islamophobia. As an ex-leftist, this behaviour is all too familiar. I was once part of that ecosystem.

Despite being a Hindu, I could not acknowledge the persecution that Hindus faced in neighbouring regions. The data was there for everyone to witness, yet I was blind. I believe this is true for many Hindus. We are raised with strong secular values, which often makes it uncomfortable to openly acknowledge or speak about atrocities against our own community. Personally, it was difficult to break out of that mindset and accept the reality that Hindus did face genocide in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Kashmir. Adding to that is the consistent bias of left-leaning media, which often avoided reporting anti-Hindu communal incidents both in India and abroad. This selective activism played a key role in my decision to step away from the leftist ecosystem.

Sahidul’s narrative states: ‘The genocide orchestrated and masterminded by Pakistan, began on the night of March 25, 1971 … Three million were killed (in East Pakistan), 200,000 to 300,000 women were violated in the most diabolic ethnic cleansing since the days of the Holocaust. And these are just rough estimates. How much does the world or even the subcontinent talk about it?

Most Painful Part of the Book

The most aching part for me was the quiet optimism in the book. Written during Sheikh Hasina’s rule, the authors were hopeful about the secular path Bangladesh was taking. They welcomed the ban on JeI and the arrests of those involved in the Hindu genocide of 1971. I read those pages, and then Al Jazeera’s headline from a few days back: “Bangladesh Supreme Court lifts ban on Jamaat-e-Islami.” I feel a mixture of emotions.

The authors also appreciated the death sentence awarded to a Jamaat leader involved in the 1971 genocide of Hindus. That sentence, too, has now been overturned in current-day Bangladesh under Yunus’s rule. Makes you wonder – is justice so fickle?

Opposition to Bengali Because It Was Too “Hindu”

From the book, I learned that Pakistan was opposed to Bengali in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) because they considered the language “too Hindu” as opposed to Urdu. When East Pakistan demanded a new nation on the basis of Bengali culture, Pakistan thought Hindus were responsible for this “brainwashing”, which is what led to the genocide.

The Pakistani Army launched Operation Searchlight for complete cleansing of the Bengali and Hindu identity. Even the press secretary of the third president of Pakistan, Yahya Khan, said that this operation was to ‘brainwash the people, wean them off their Bengali mores and make them true Pakistanis … The Hindu influence must be eradicated root and branch and the people who were misguiding the innocent and illiterate masses must be liquidated.’

Recent headline on newspaper about Tagore's home being vandalized in Bangladesh — Tagore’s Home Vandalized in Bangladesh. News Source: NDTV

Truth be told, I was thinking while reading the book, how long would it take for the pro-Pakistan radicals in Bangladesh to go after anything related to Tagore, the Hindu writer of Bangladesh’s anthem “Amar Sonar Bangla” (My Golden Bengal), and then the vandalism of Tagore’s home happened. I wouldn’t be surprised if they replace the anthem, too, at some point in the future.

Jogendra Nath Mandal – The Dalit Leader Who Chose Pakistan

It’s from the book that I came across the name Jogendra Nath Mandal for the first time. He was a Dalit leader and a close associate of Dr. Ambedkar. At the time of Partition, Mandal chose to side with Pakistan, believing it would offer Dalits greater freedom and rights than a Hindu-majority India. He motivated many Dalits to migrate with him, promising an escape from caste oppression.

Mandal, the man who wanted Pakistan to become a land of Dalits and Muslims.

But what they found was a harsher reality. Regret followed soon after. Mandal eventually fled Pakistan and returned to India. Sadly, many Dalits who followed him to Pakistan lacked his privilege and means and were left behind. His popularity waned after that, and he died a lonely death in West Bengal. To quote the book:

Mandal had come to India from East Pakistan as a broken man. Arguably, the tallest Dalit politician in pre-partition East Bengal, Mandal had lost most of his followers after he chose Pakistan over India, stood with Muhammad Ali Jinnah and became the law and labour minister. Mandal had thought Dalits and Muslims would behave like brothers in the newly-created Pakistan. They didn’t, and as communal tension rose and Hindus left East Pakistan for India in large numbers, Jogendranath Mandal came to be looked at as a short-sighted leader at best and a self-serving politician at worst.

Dr. Ambedkar, upon learning about the persecution of Dalits in Pakistan, urged them to return to India. However, most were unable to leave, trapped by circumstances beyond their control.

I encourage everyone to read the following Reddit post that offers a more complete account of Jogendra Nath Mandal’s life. It includes his resignation letter to the Prime Minister of Pakistan and Dr. Ambedkar’s heartfelt appeal to Dalits living there.

Jogendra Nath Mandal: The Dalit Leader Who Chose Pakistan.
byu/UdayOnReddit inIndianHistory

Mandal’s story reminds us never to forget history or its lessons. These accounts were documented by key figures of that era for a reason. Not to be ignored, but to help us reflect, understand, learn, and avoid repeating the same mistakes in the future.

Quotable Quotes from Being Hindu in Bangladesh

‘Yes, only two people might have died in Noakhali in last year’s violence. But look around and you will find boys and men without an arm or a leg walking around. They will remind you of what was.’

What was it like in 1946? When freedom from 200 years of British rule was becoming a reality, Bengali-Hindu women and men, in village after village in Noakhali district of undivided Bengal, the same place where we now are, were r*ped and killed, or forcibly converted. Then too, it had started with fake news.

‘I have never been able to forget those days,’ she says, ‘when neighbours became rioters and friends became murderers. The stench of blood haunts me to this day.’

‘I remember he would come and tell us to make sure no one made any sound, and make sure that the children remained silent. It should appear from outside that the college building was deserted. Or else, a mob could come and kill us all. But my seven-month-old sister cried out in hunger. We gave her some treacle to make her stop crying, but she would start wailing soon after. My father told us that we had to kill her as she simply wouldn’t stop crying. And her wails would bring the mob to us. She cried and cried, till she cried no more.’

In other riots, religion was the point of disagreement. In Noakhali, religion was also the instrument that ended the disagreement. The attacks in Noakhali on Hindus by Muslims ended when the Hindus became Muslims.

‘But it’s a mistake that all democratic governments make in trying to control one set of extremists. They often play with the other set that looks less worse than the other (but) in the course of time, they all become Frankensteins’ he said.

There’s something about discovering forgotten buildings where powerful men once lived, touring villages where they spent their boyhood. It is like sifting through dog-eared, yellowed pages of history. So much of what once was still hangs in the air. So many stories are kept alive by village elders who saw history take shape.

Conclusion

The book details several atrocities that are too graphic to include in this blog post. I strongly encourage everyone to read Being Hindu in Bangladesh for a clearer and unbiased understanding of the condition of Hindus in the country.

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Photo by Prabhala Raghuvir

Why Do Hindus Vote for BJP?

I’m a Palakkad native, and I had travelled home just to vote during the Lok Sabha elections. To make it clear, I have no loyalty to any political party and have voted for different parties over the years based on their performance and activism. I believe pledging unwavering support to any single party prevents us from critically examining their flaws. However, this time, voting for the CPI(M) was not an option, as I am well aware of its shortcomings during its second term in power.

I decided I would vote for Congress in the Lok Sabha elections. But then October 7 happened, and I saw Congress’s response to it, especially how they tried to silence Shashi Tharoor in Kerala for criticizing Hamas. It came as a shock and played a key role in changing my decision. That’s when I realized, unfortunately, this party is no different from those it criticizes. The Opposition parties in India excel at criticizing far-right Hindu groups, but avoid condemning far-right Islamist groups in society, fearing backlash from supporters.

People call out the BJP and RSS for sheltering far-right Hindus. But how is Congress different if it shelters far-right Islamists? Both cater to extremes. BJP voters are criticized for supporting a party that allegedly wants to turn India into a Hindu nation. Congress voters should ask themselves the same question: why support a party that mollycoddles groups that have once openly called for turning India into an Islamic nation? How would it make the majority of Hindus feel?

So, when people ask why Hindus vote for the BJP, the answer is simple. If the choice is between far-right Hindus and far-right Islamists, many Hindus will pick what feels safer. Left-leaning Hindus may sympathize with Islamist groups, seeing them as victims. But most in the community, just like any other community, vote on the basis of safety.

Congress and Islamist Ties

In the upcoming Nilambur by-election in Kerala, the Welfare Party has now openly declared its support for the Congress candidate.

To the uninitiated, the Welfare Party is the political arm of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, a group known for its fundamentalist views. This group shares roots with the Jamaat movements in Pakistan and Bangladesh, which are often accused of anti-Hindu activities.

As per the New Indian Express report, “It’s learned that the Welfare Party, backed by Jamaat-e-Islami, has put forward various demands, including making it an associate party of the UDF. However, no assurance has been received in this regard so far.” This is a common far-right Islamist tactic in democracies across the world: try to join mainstream parties to gain power, resources, and reach. Once these groups gain enough strength, their true agenda emerges, often centered around enforcing religious doctrine. We see this happening in Bangladesh today. A similar pattern unfolded in Iran in 1979, when leftists and Islamists joined forces to establish an Islamic regime. This led to widespread persecution and the exodus of many Persians, some of whom sought refuge in India.

Many leftists, in both India and abroad, often align with Islamist groups unknowingly, driven by a genuine desire to support the persecuted and uphold justice. However, this well-meaning approach is frequently exploited by far-right Islamist groups for their own agenda. It’s fair to say that many on the left still operate with this same mindset, unaware of the long-term consequences.

Such Islamist groups remind me of the Persian movie “The Seed of the Sacred Fig” (playing on Amazon Prime), a 2024 crime drama film directed by Mohammad Rasoulof. The movie starts with an explanation of strangler figs, a type of parasite that grows on a host tree’s branches. As they grow, their roots reach the ground and thicken. Eventually, they wrap around the host tree, in a way “suffocating” it. Over time, the host tree dies from lack of light and nutrients, while the fig survives independently. I hope Congress and other left-leaning parties realize that they are the “hosts” in this equation.

Both the Welfare Party and SDPI have been trying to win Congress’s favour in Kerala. Their open support was clearly visible in places like Palakkad (my hometown). The fact that Congress is not distancing itself from these groups is a matter of concern. The party appears to seek the support and votes of such groups to win, which may explain its consistent silence or hesitation in condemning Islamist acts. But how far are they willing to go? Will there come a time when they finally strike deals with the devil because they can’t win anymore without their support or votes?

Valid Concerns

Can you really blame Hindus for refusing to vote for parties that associate with groups that seem more likely to drag India down a path similar to Pakistan or Afghanistan?

Let’s not forget the current state of Bangladesh. JEI has played a significant role in steering Bangladesh toward radical Islam. If India were ever to become an Islamic nation, it wouldn’t resemble the UAE or Bahrain. It would more likely mirror Pakistan or Bangladesh, where radical Islamist groups wield substantial influence. Unlike the Gulf nations, which strictly ban and suppress such groups, India still hesitates to even name them. The moment any criticism is raised, it’s quickly dismissed as Islamophobia by human rights activists.

No One’s Truly Secular

In the end, no one is truly secular. Most people vote thinking, “Which party is best for my community?” — not for the nation. That’s why, in Kerala, Congress is the preferred party for many Christians, and a large section of Muslims support the Muslim League. So why is the burden of voting on the basis of secularism placed only on Hindus?

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Feature Representative Image Source: Shutterstock

Book Review: “I Am A Troll” by Swati Chaturvedi

I finished I Am a Troll by Swati Chaturvedi last night. It’s an insightful read if you’re unaware that the BJP, like all major parties, has a dedicated IT cell.

However, if you’re already familiar with the BJP’s IT cell, the book doesn’t offer much new, apart from a few interviews with former BJP insiders who strongly criticize the party. But in Indian politics, this isn’t unusual. Members who leave any party, be it the BJP or Congress, often openly highlight its flaws. This trend isn’t unique to the BJP.

The book also points out that Modi’s official Twitter handle follows some controversial right-wing accounts like OpIndia, which is a valid observation. This is somewhat unusual; I’m not aware of any left-leaning political leader or party officially following social media influencers or accounts considered far-left. In that sense, this could be something unique to the BJP, and worth re-evaluating if it raises credibility concerns.

All that aside, the author’s pro-Congress bias is evident. She claims Rahul Gandhi was becoming as popular as Modi and predicted strong results for the Congress in the 2019 elections (the book was published in 2017). She lays emphasis on Rahul Gandhi’s social media growth, rather than his on-ground political performance. Chaturvedi presents his increasing followers and engagement as indicators of his strength and popularity, which feels selective and somewhat misleading. To appear balanced, she briefly mentions 2–3 false narratives that were pushed by the Congress IT cell, but downplays their impact.

The writing has its issues. Critiquing someone’s views is fine, but body-shaming, stereotyping Indian men, and mocking someone’s English skills feels unprofessional, especially from a journalist aiming to be objective. For example, consider the sample below, where she generalizes right-wing “trolls”.

Chaturvedi also complains that trolls refuse to engage with her reasoning on why the BJP is problematic, yet admits she zones out when they begin to speak. This contradiction weakens her argument and suggests a similar unwillingness to listen.

Interestingly, the book indirectly acknowledges that mainstream media was largely pro-Congress in 2014 (and still is in states like Kerala), which made it difficult for the BJP to be heard without strong social media outreach (reference to this is below).

These are a few minor concerns I had with the book, but overall, it provides a revealing look into political online warfare, though not without its caveats.

India Pakistan War: Why Peace Is No Longer a Viable Option

Even if India agrees to peace talks with Pakistan, who exactly are we supposed to talk to?

The Pakistan Army? The army chief, Asim Munir, has called Kashmir their “jugular vein” – they aren’t letting go. He raked up anti-Hindu, anti-India sentiments before the Pahalgam attacks. He stated, “Our forefathers believed that we were different from Hindus in every possible aspect of life,” and urged parents to instill this bigoted narrative in their children to preserve Pakistan’s identity.

The Pakistani Prime Minister? Just a puppet with no real power over the military. Funerals of designated Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) terrorists have been attended by members of the Pakistani Army, further reinforcing allegations of state complicity. Such actions raise serious concerns about the Pakistan government’s commitment to counterterrorism, especially when these individuals are recognized as terrorists by the international community.

Pakistani celebrities? They won’t even whisper a word against state-backed terrorism. They rarely acknowledge well-documented facts, such as Osama bin Laden having found safe haven within Pakistan’s borders. They speak about “having a voice” in Pakistan. Yet, none have dared to criticize Asim Munir for his communal, anti-Hindu remarks, despite knowing that Hindus are living within their own country as well.

The civilians? The majority views India as the villain and often denies the existence of terrorists within their own borders. This raises an important question: Do they not consider figures like Osama bin Laden, Hafiz Saeed, and Masood Azhar as terrorists? Are they seen merely as ordinary civilians? When they refer to “terrorists,” is it only groups like the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and other factions causing unrest within Pakistan that they have in mind?

So really. Whom should we sit across the table with to discuss peace? There are no viable options.

Attacks Initiated by Pakistan

In all the following attacks initiated by Pakistan, India has demonstrated extreme restraint:

Attack	Year	Fatalities
Bombay Blasts	1993	257
Lajpat Nagar Blast	1996	13
J&K Assembly Blast	2001	38
Parliament Attack	2001	9
Raghunath Temple Attack	2002	12
Kurnool Train Crash	2002	20
Akshardham Attack	2002	33
Mumbai Bombings	2003	52
Delhi Blasts	2005	62
Varanasi Blasts	2006	28
Mumbai Train Blasts	2006	189
Samjhauta Express Blast	2007	68
Hyderabad Blasts	2007	42
Jaipur Blasts	2008	63
Ahmedabad Blasts	2008	56
Mumbai Attacks (26/11)	2008	166
Patna Bombings	2013	6
Pathankot Attack	2016	7
Uri Attack	2016	19
Pulwama Attack	2019	40
Pahalgam Attack	2025	26

India’s restraint in the face of repeated cross-border terrorism is often seen by Pakistan as a weakness. The ongoing attacks have led many Indians to believe that simply maintaining the status quo won’t bring lasting peace.

India’s Efforts Towards Peace Have Gone Unnoticed

India has made several efforts in the past to reach out and promote peace. We have celebrated Pakistani singers, actors, cricketers, and artists, and defended them when the Indian government initiated a ban against them.

Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan was revered, even after singing a controversial song with the line “Muslims should not allow kafirs (non-Muslims) in their homes.” Mahira Khan and Hania Aamir were regulars in Bollywood fashion pages, and Indian women admired Fawad Khan.

Yet, none of these figures had the courage to denounce the terror networks in their own backyard or question Asim Munir’s communal statements.

We extended every olive branch, but it was met with betrayal, silence, and violence. It’s time to stop romanticizing those who wear a false pro-India mask while harboring hatred.

Pakistan’s Blatant Radicalism

In the current war, the Indian Army has focused on precision strikes targeting terrorist camps and military assets, with considerable efforts to avoid civilian harm. The death of any innocent civilians in terrorist camps is deeply unfortunate, but could have been avoided by Pakistan. Why were civilians present in known terrorist camps? Were they placed there deliberately to attract international sympathy and deflect blame?

In contrast, Pakistan’s use of drones in civilian zones has drawn comparisons to Hamas-style tactics against Israel. If not for the advanced air defence systems in both India and Israel, the death toll could have been far higher.

Pakistan has often revealed its radical side openly. To cite a few examples:

In a recent interview with Sky News journalist Yalda Hakim, Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif acknowledged his country’s historical support for terrorist organizations. He stated, “We have been doing this dirty work for the United States for about three decades… and the West, including Britain.”
Khawaja Asif, while addressing a session of the Pakistan National Assembly, said that students in madrassas will serve as the country’s second line of defence in wars, when needed, implying they are disposable.
The former director general of the ISI, Asad Durrani, in an Al Jazeera interview, said the death of 150 APS Peshawar school children was “collateral damage” in pursuit of “broader” national interests.
Mubasher Lucman, founder of the Pakistani television network ARY Digital, during a podcast with journalist Naseem Hanif, stated that if Pakistan were to win a war against India, he would want to claim Indian movie actresses as maal-e-ghanimat—a term historically referring to war spoils, including enslaved women (sex slaves).
During a protest outside the Pakistan High Commission in London on April 25, 2025, following the Pahalgam terrorist attack in Jammu and Kashmir, Colonel Taimur Rahat, Pakistan’s Army and Air Advisor in the UK, made a provocative throat-slitting gesture towards Indian demonstrators. This is perhaps the first time a diplomat of any country has made such a shocking and radical gesture in public. The act not only defies diplomatic conduct but also reflects a deeply irresponsible and provocative mindset, especially in the context of a civilian tragedy.
Former Pakistani cricketer Danish Kaneria, one of the few Hindus to represent Pakistan at the international level, publicly accused former teammate Shahid Afridi of discriminatory behavior during their time together on the national team. Kaneria alleged that Afridi repeatedly pressured him to convert to Islam and excluded him from team activities, including meals.
Shahid Afridi’s cousin, Shaquib Afridi, was a commander of the Islamist terrorist group Harkat-ul-Ansar. He was killed by Indian security forces in Anantnag, Jammu and Kashmir, in 2003. Reports indicate that Shaquib had been active in the region for approximately two years prior to his death.
In an undated video that surfaced online, former Pakistani cricketer Shoaib Akhtar discussed the Islamic prophecy of Ghazwa-e-Hind, which refers to a prophesied battle for the Islamic conquest of India. In the video, Akhtar stated: “Ghazwa-e-Hind is mentioned in our sacred books. We will first capture Kashmir and then invade India from all sides for Ghazwa-e-Hind.“
Pakistani actor Hamza Ali Abbasi has publicly expressed support for Hafiz Saeed, the founder of Lashkar-e-Taiba and the alleged mastermind behind the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks.
In a televised discussion, Waqar Younis praised Pakistani cricketer Mohammad Rizwan for offering Namaz during a match, emphasizing it was done “in front of Hindus,” which he found particularly satisfying.
Zaid Hamid, a Pakistani political commentator, propagated conspiracy theories, claiming that the 2008 Mumbai attacks were orchestrated by “Hindu Zionists.” He has also stated that India will be “trounced and enslaved according to Sharia if Hindus don’t repent and embrace Islam.“

The videos and news articles for each controversy listed above are available online.

If Pakistani diplomats, politicians, cricketers, and celebrities act this way and are left largely uncriticized, what hope do you have from ordinary civilians?

The “Jugular Vein”: Kashmir

Pakistanis and the international community often focus on the “oppression of Kashmiri Muslims” and the call to “free Kashmir,” but they conveniently overlook the genocide of Kashmiri Hindus, a community forcibly displaced from their ancestral land. They are yet to return out of fear.

The genocide of Kashmiri Hindus (whitewashed as an “exodus”) is a tragic chapter in the region’s history. They, as the indigenous people of the land, have every right to return to their homes. Many Kashmiri Muslims are ready to welcome them back, acknowledging the need for healing and reconciliation. However, Pakistani-backed terrorists continue to block this process, instigating violence and creating an atmosphere of fear every time Kashmiri Hindus attempt to settle in Kashmir.

The narrative of “freedom” for Kashmir remains incomplete without acknowledging the rights and voices of the Kashmiri Hindu community. As the original inhabitants of the region, their cultural and historical ties to Kashmir that span thousands of years. Any move to integrate Kashmir into Pakistan would only deepen their marginalization. History bears witness: the Hindu population in Pakistan has sharply declined due to forced conversions, persecution, displacement, and violence. These facts raise serious concerns about the future of Kashmiri Hindus under such a scenario. To safeguard their identity, rights, and survival, it is vital that Kashmir remains an integral part of India.

It is time the international community recognizes this truth and supports the return of Kashmiri Hindus to their land, allowing for genuine reconciliation and the restoration of peace. Until this happens, international human rights activists should shift their focus to the “Free Balochistan” and “Free Iran from Islamic Regime” campaigns. Currently, they are more oppressed than Kashmiris, and their plight requires global attention.

UN Resolution

The United Nations (UN) has addressed the issue of Kashmir through Resolution 47, passed in 1948. The resolution emphasizes the right of the Kashmiri people to self-determination. It proposes that a plebiscite should be held to allow the people of Jammu and Kashmir to decide whether they wish to join India, Pakistan, or remain independent.

However, this resolution also includes conditions for the plebiscite, the most important being the withdrawal of “all Pakistani nationals” and “tribal forces” from the region to create a neutral environment for a fair vote. This is the first requirement in Resolution 47 that needs to be met. However, it does not get stressed enough.

The presence of Pakistani-backed terrorists in the region complicates the situation and directly contradicts the conditions of the UN resolution. Until Pakistan withdraws these forces and halts its support for terrorism, the possibility of implementing the UN resolution’s provisions remains unfulfilled.

I have covered this information in detail in a separate Kashmir Plebiscite blog post.

War or Peace?

Every past peace talk with Pakistan has failed. Not once, but multiple times.

Should India keep repeating the same cycle just to comfort a few people’s idealism? At what cost? More lives, more betrayal, and more denial?

I’m not advocating for war. But let’s be clear. Peace isn’t possible with a neighbour who constantly thirsts for our blood.

In such times, I choose to trust our Indian leaders, intelligence, and armed forces to make the best call for protecting the nation, not some random social media activist who would sell their soul for money.

If my country wants to teach the neighbour a lesson, I would support it. If it says it’s going to withdraw, I would support that too. In other words, the country comes above everything else. Jai Hind.

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Photo by Pixabay

Thoughts on Pahalgam Islamist Terror Attacks on Hindus

The Pahalgam terror attack has deeply shaken most Indians. There is widespread anger over how Pakistan repeatedly escapes accountability, always armed with excuses and justifications.

India’s global PR remains weak, and our narrative often struggles to gain international traction. This was evident when Indians in New York pointed out the lack of coverage in local newspapers about the deadly attack. On an international subreddit, the news only gained attention after the now-viral zipline video was shared.

Many aspects of the attack are both infuriating and frustrating. The mood in India is one of outrage and a strong demand for retribution. Blocking Pakistani channels or celebrities no longer feels like enough, and emotional appeals from Pakistanis leaving India are falling on deaf ears. This attack has hardened public sentiment, and barring a few outliers, Indians squarely hold Pakistan responsible for the atrocity.

What Happened in Pahalgam?

To those unaware of the Pahalgam terrorist attacks in Kashmir, here’s a summary:

On April 22, 2025, five armed militants attacked tourists in Baisaran Valley near Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, killing 26 civilians (24 Hindu tourists, one Christian tourist, and one Muslim pony operator). Survivors reported that the assailants asked victims to state their religion or recite Islamic verses before executing them, indicating a targeted assault based on religious identity. Men were exclusively targeted. Women and children were let go to send a message to the government.

Some survivors reported that militants pulled down the pants of men to check for religious affiliation (circumcision) before executing them. A local Muslim pony operator, Syed Adil Hussain Shah, was also killed while attempting to protect tourists.

The Resistance Front, linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba, initially claimed responsibility, citing opposition to India’s residency policies in Kashmir, but later retracted the claim, possibly due to pressure from the Pakistan army and government.

The attack has escalated tensions between India and Pakistan, with India accusing Pakistan of supporting cross-border terrorism, leading to diplomatic and military standoffs.

Here are some personal reflections on the incident.

Pakistan is Unequivocally Responsible for the Pahalgam Attacks

The terrorists involved have either been identified as Pakistani nationals or as locals trained in Pakistan. Multiple foreign intelligence agencies, many from India’s key allies, have confirmed this, a fact echoed even by senior opposition leaders like Shashi Tharoor. The strong international support for India’s right to retaliate, especially from countries with robust intelligence networks, further validates this conclusion.

Pakistan’s claim of non-involvement is a hollow defense. It has a long history of denying its role in cross-border terrorism, despite being globally recognized as a terrorism hub. Numerous international reports support this assessment that Pakistan harbours terrorists. Yet Pakistan continues its unwillingness to acknowledge or address its complicity.

The U.S. State Department’s Country Reports on Terrorism (2023) have consistently highlighted Pakistan’s role in supporting terrorist groups. A 2023 CRS brief titled “Terrorist and Other Militant Groups in Pakistan” acknowledges that Pakistan has not addressed the presence and activities of India-focused terrorist organizations within its borders. Pakistan has faced accusations from various countries, including Afghanistan, Iran, apart from India, regarding its involvement in supporting terrorist activities.

Reports about Pakistani grooming gangs in the UK have recently gained wider attention. Channel 4 released a documentary titled “Groomed” to highlight the challenges posed by radical elements within the Pakistani community. However, many Pakistanis continue to deny these allegations, reflecting a broader reluctance to acknowledge responsibility.

Now, consider the situation in Balochistan. The Pakistani state consistently denies any human rights violations against the Baloch people or Afghan refugees within its borders. Despite numerous reports by international observers and activists highlighting enforced disappearances, military crackdowns, and systemic discrimination, the official narrative remains one of denial.

This consistent pattern of denial of wrongdoing can be observed among many Pakistanis. Rarely does one encounter a Pakistani voice calling for introspection or addressing internal societal issues. Their narratives often center around victimhood rather than accountability.

This is enough proof for us Indians to not blame our own citizens or institutions. We unequivocally hold Pakistan responsible for consistently enabling and orchestrating attacks on Indian soil.

Indians Are Tired of Pakistan-Sponsored Terrorist Attacks

The prevailing sentiment across the country is one of anger and exhaustion. Not since 26/11 has India witnessed such a brutal and calculated attack. But unlike then, today’s social media era has magnified public outrage, capturing raw emotions in real-time and amplifying them.

The Pahalgam attack has visibly polarized the population. Even those who once advocated for peaceful ties with Pakistan have changed their stance.

There is overwhelming support for any strong retaliation the Indian government may undertake. What is unacceptable, however, is inaction. The nation now waits to see how India’s leadership and armed forces will respond.

No Peace Talks

While Pakistan is appealing to the U.S. to urge India to show restraint, a line has clearly been crossed. One that makes peace talks impossible for India.

When Pakistanis ask India to consider the impact of war on innocent civilians, I can’t help but ask: Did they think of the 26 innocent lives lost in Pahalgam? Tourists who simply wanted a peaceful vacation were mercilessly killed. Empathy cannot be one-sided. True peace can only come when Pakistan stops meddling in India’s affairs.

Before the attacks, Pakistani military officer Asim Munir made blatant communal anti-Hindu and anti-India remarks. Shockingly, many in Pakistan praised him for it, calling him “based.” One wonders how Pakistani Hindus must have felt, hearing their own army chief endorse such dangerous rhetoric.

When a state is founded on religious division, lasting peace becomes elusive. With religion used as a political weapon, expecting normal, diplomatic ties is no longer feasible.

“Terrorism Has No Religion”

This is one of the most misleading narratives circulating in India today. Unless we openly acknowledge the religious motivations behind certain attacks, we cannot begin to address the root of the problem. The same voices that insist terrorism has no religion are quick to label incidents as “Saffron Terror” when Hindus are involved. If we must condemn all forms of terror, then Islamist terror should also be called what it is, without fear or double standards.

Many are quick to dismiss the religious angle of the Pahalgam attack as “Godi media” spin. But listen to the testimonies of the victims’ families. Wives of those killed have said the attackers asked about religion and demanded if the victims knew the Kalima. These weren’t random killings — Hindus and a Christian family were segregated and targeted based on their religion. They were shot because they couldn’t recite the Kalima. The one Muslim who lost his life was a case of collateral damage. He died while attempting to rescue tourists, not because he was targeted for his religion. His death, though tragic, was not the result of religious persecution. Denying this truth about religion-based terror doesn’t preserve harmony; it disrespects the grief of the families and gaslights the country.

Yes, these acts may be part of Pakistan’s larger plan to incite communal unrest within India. But brushing it aside for the sake of “secular optics” is irresponsible. Islamist terrorism must be named and condemned, just as we expect when extremism comes from the other side.

That said, this must not translate into hatred toward Indian Muslims. The goal should be unity, not division, at this hour, as Pakistan seeks to fuel our internal conflicts.

Online Narrative Building

A false narrative is being pushed by Pakistani accounts equating Kashmir to Gaza. Selective photos of demolished houses are being circulated to claim that innocent civilians are being targeted. The truth? Only a few houses, specifically linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists, have been taken down.

Why demolish these homes? Because it works. Uttar Pradesh saw a sharp drop in violence when this policy was applied. It strikes at the emotional core — many of these terrorists fear repercussions for their families more than for themselves. Harsh measures are sometimes the only language hardliners understand.

Don’t fall for the curated propaganda pushed by well-networked handlers online. Check the facts. Stand by the truth.

Believe the Victims

When the families of Hindu victims share that they received no help from locals, believe them. That is their lived experience. Gaslighting them to protect a broader narrative is unfair and unjust.

Yes, some locals helped tourists — that’s also true. But acknowledging one truth doesn’t mean erasing the other. Both realities can coexist. Let’s not silence genuine pain to score points in debates.

Let Justice Prevail

Pakistan must be held accountable for spilling innocent Indian blood and disrupting Kashmir’s path to peace and progress. This time, the punishment must be appropriate so that next time they will think twice before sponsoring terrorism.

Tag: India