Thoughts on Pahalgam Islamist Terror Attacks on Hindus

The Pahalgam terror attack has deeply shaken most Indians. There is widespread anger over how Pakistan repeatedly escapes accountability, always armed with excuses and justifications.

India’s global PR remains weak, and our narrative often struggles to gain international traction. This was evident when Indians in New York pointed out the lack of coverage in local newspapers about the deadly attack. On an international subreddit, the news only gained attention after the now-viral zipline video was shared.

Many aspects of the attack are both infuriating and frustrating. The mood in India is one of outrage and a strong demand for retribution. Blocking Pakistani channels or celebrities no longer feels like enough, and emotional appeals from Pakistanis leaving India are falling on deaf ears. This attack has hardened public sentiment, and barring a few outliers, Indians squarely hold Pakistan responsible for the atrocity.

What Happened in Pahalgam?

To those unaware of the Pahalgam terrorist attacks in Kashmir, here’s a summary:

On April 22, 2025, five armed militants attacked tourists in Baisaran Valley near Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, killing 26 civilians (24 Hindu tourists, one Christian tourist, and one Muslim pony operator). Survivors reported that the assailants asked victims to state their religion or recite Islamic verses before executing them, indicating a targeted assault based on religious identity. Men were exclusively targeted. Women and children were let go to send a message to the government.

Some survivors reported that militants pulled down the pants of men to check for religious affiliation (circumcision) before executing them. A local Muslim pony operator, Syed Adil Hussain Shah, was also killed while attempting to protect tourists.

The Resistance Front, linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba, initially claimed responsibility, citing opposition to India’s residency policies in Kashmir, but later retracted the claim, possibly due to pressure from the Pakistan army and government.

The attack has escalated tensions between India and Pakistan, with India accusing Pakistan of supporting cross-border terrorism, leading to diplomatic and military standoffs.

Here are some personal reflections on the incident.

Pakistan is Unequivocally Responsible for the Pahalgam Attacks

The terrorists involved have either been identified as Pakistani nationals or as locals trained in Pakistan. Multiple foreign intelligence agencies, many from India’s key allies, have confirmed this, a fact echoed even by senior opposition leaders like Shashi Tharoor. The strong international support for India’s right to retaliate, especially from countries with robust intelligence networks, further validates this conclusion.

Pakistan’s claim of non-involvement is a hollow defense. It has a long history of denying its role in cross-border terrorism, despite being globally recognized as a terrorism hub. Numerous international reports support this assessment that Pakistan harbours terrorists. Yet Pakistan continues its unwillingness to acknowledge or address its complicity.

The U.S. State Department’s Country Reports on Terrorism (2023) have consistently highlighted Pakistan’s role in supporting terrorist groups. A 2023 CRS brief titled “Terrorist and Other Militant Groups in Pakistan” acknowledges that Pakistan has not addressed the presence and activities of India-focused terrorist organizations within its borders. Pakistan has faced accusations from various countries, including Afghanistan, Iran, apart from India, regarding its involvement in supporting terrorist activities.

Reports about Pakistani grooming gangs in the UK have recently gained wider attention. Channel 4 released a documentary titled “Groomed” to highlight the challenges posed by radical elements within the Pakistani community. However, many Pakistanis continue to deny these allegations, reflecting a broader reluctance to acknowledge responsibility.

Now, consider the situation in Balochistan. The Pakistani state consistently denies any human rights violations against the Baloch people or Afghan refugees within its borders. Despite numerous reports by international observers and activists highlighting enforced disappearances, military crackdowns, and systemic discrimination, the official narrative remains one of denial.

This consistent pattern of denial of wrongdoing can be observed among many Pakistanis. Rarely does one encounter a Pakistani voice calling for introspection or addressing internal societal issues. Their narratives often center around victimhood rather than accountability.

This is enough proof for us Indians to not blame our own citizens or institutions. We unequivocally hold Pakistan responsible for consistently enabling and orchestrating attacks on Indian soil.

Indians Are Tired of Pakistan-Sponsored Terrorist Attacks

The prevailing sentiment across the country is one of anger and exhaustion. Not since 26/11 has India witnessed such a brutal and calculated attack. But unlike then, today’s social media era has magnified public outrage, capturing raw emotions in real-time and amplifying them.

The Pahalgam attack has visibly polarized the population. Even those who once advocated for peaceful ties with Pakistan have changed their stance.

There is overwhelming support for any strong retaliation the Indian government may undertake. What is unacceptable, however, is inaction. The nation now waits to see how India’s leadership and armed forces will respond.

No Peace Talks

While Pakistan is appealing to the U.S. to urge India to show restraint, a line has clearly been crossed. One that makes peace talks impossible for India.

When Pakistanis ask India to consider the impact of war on innocent civilians, I can’t help but ask: Did they think of the 26 innocent lives lost in Pahalgam? Tourists who simply wanted a peaceful vacation were mercilessly killed. Empathy cannot be one-sided. True peace can only come when Pakistan stops meddling in India’s affairs.

Before the attacks, Pakistani military officer Asim Munir made blatant communal anti-Hindu and anti-India remarks. Shockingly, many in Pakistan praised him for it, calling him “based.” One wonders how Pakistani Hindus must have felt, hearing their own army chief endorse such dangerous rhetoric.

When a state is founded on religious division, lasting peace becomes elusive. With religion used as a political weapon, expecting normal, diplomatic ties is no longer feasible.

“Terrorism Has No Religion”

This is one of the most misleading narratives circulating in India today. Unless we openly acknowledge the religious motivations behind certain attacks, we cannot begin to address the root of the problem. The same voices that insist terrorism has no religion are quick to label incidents as “Saffron Terror” when Hindus are involved. If we must condemn all forms of terror, then Islamist terror should also be called what it is, without fear or double standards.

Many are quick to dismiss the religious angle of the Pahalgam attack as “Godi media” spin. But listen to the testimonies of the victims’ families. Wives of those killed have said the attackers asked about religion and demanded if the victims knew the Kalima. These weren’t random killings — Hindus and a Christian family were segregated and targeted based on their religion. They were shot because they couldn’t recite the Kalima. The one Muslim who lost his life was a case of collateral damage. He died while attempting to rescue tourists, not because he was targeted for his religion. His death, though tragic, was not the result of religious persecution. Denying this truth about religion-based terror doesn’t preserve harmony; it disrespects the grief of the families and gaslights the country.

Yes, these acts may be part of Pakistan’s larger plan to incite communal unrest within India. But brushing it aside for the sake of “secular optics” is irresponsible. Islamist terrorism must be named and condemned, just as we expect when extremism comes from the other side.

That said, this must not translate into hatred toward Indian Muslims. The goal should be unity, not division, at this hour, as Pakistan seeks to fuel our internal conflicts.

Online Narrative Building

A false narrative is being pushed by Pakistani accounts equating Kashmir to Gaza. Selective photos of demolished houses are being circulated to claim that innocent civilians are being targeted. The truth? Only a few houses, specifically linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists, have been taken down.

Why demolish these homes? Because it works. Uttar Pradesh saw a sharp drop in violence when this policy was applied. It strikes at the emotional core — many of these terrorists fear repercussions for their families more than for themselves. Harsh measures are sometimes the only language hardliners understand.

Don’t fall for the curated propaganda pushed by well-networked handlers online. Check the facts. Stand by the truth.

Believe the Victims

When the families of Hindu victims share that they received no help from locals, believe them. That is their lived experience. Gaslighting them to protect a broader narrative is unfair and unjust.

Yes, some locals helped tourists — that’s also true. But acknowledging one truth doesn’t mean erasing the other. Both realities can coexist. Let’s not silence genuine pain to score points in debates.

Let Justice Prevail

Pakistan must be held accountable for spilling innocent Indian blood and disrupting Kashmir’s path to peace and progress. This time, the punishment must be appropriate so that next time they will think twice before sponsoring terrorism.

No One’s Truly Secular in India

Newspaper clipping on demographic concerns in Kashmir

Say the words “demographic concerns” in any other Indian state, and you’d likely be branded a bigot. But in Kashmir, the “insider vs outsider” narrative is not only common, it’s actively pushed. If the Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah, has sworn allegiance to the Constitution of India, why the reluctance to openly embrace fellow Indians as equals? Kashmiris are free to work and settle anywhere in the country without being called outsiders. So why can’t someone from another Indian state do the same in Kashmir without facing hostility?

What India needs now more than ever is a spirit of unity. Not this constant “us vs them” divide.

These incidents make it clear: no one is truly secular, not even those who constantly criticize Hindu majoritarianism like Omar Abdullah. Let’s be honest. In Muslim-majority Kashmir, a fashion show during Ramadan sparked outrage, with people claiming it was against their “culture.” In parts of Malappuram and Kozhikode in Kerala, there have been cases where people were told not to eat in public during Ramadan. Meanwhile, in some Hindu-majority regions of North India, meat shops are ordered shut during Hindu festivals. Different standards, same mindset.

This isn’t just an Indian phenomenon. In the UK and the US, you’ll often hear people say, “We are a Christian country. This isn’t our culture!” whenever Hindu or Muslim festivals are celebrated in public spaces. The reaction is the same, just the setting changes.

Wherever you go, majority vs minority dynamics are always at play. What feels like a “religious restriction” to one person might feel like cultural protection to another. It all depends on your bias and perspective. Take Iran, for instance. Many of us might see it as deeply restrictive for women. But some Iranian Muslim women might see it as ideal because it strictly upholds their religious values. That’s religious bias in action – shaped by belief, identity, and comfort with the dominant culture.

Most people are secular only on paper. In reality, they tend to place their own religious beliefs a notch above others. They’re usually comfortable with the rules their faith imposes, no matter how restrictive those rules might seem to someone outside that belief system. It’s less about universal values and more about what feels familiar and justified to them.

Empuraan and Its Controversial Take on Gujarat Riots

Empuraan is facing criticism from the right wing for allegedly promoting a biased narrative. Many are calling it a political propaganda film with a pro-Congress stance. How true is the allegation?

Spoilers Ahead

I haven’t watched the movie yet, but I’ve heard that the first 30 minutes focus on the Gujarat Riots. It depicts some of the most horrific incidents from that time. Reportedly, the film includes a rape scene that’s highly debatable. This particular rape story has been circulating since the time of the Gujarat Riots but remains unverified, with no solid evidence to support it. Additionally, the Godhra train burning in the movie is reportedly depicted as something that happened by accident. This portrayal gives the impression that the film is based on the findings of the Banerjee Committee Report, a report that was later ruled invalid, unconstitutional, and politically manipulated by the court. The Nanavati-Mehta Commission Report is the report that was officially accepted as the authoritative account of events due to its presentation of evidence. This information was also covered in the recent film The Sabarmati Report.

The Banerjee Committee was set up in 2004 by the UPA government, led by the Congress party. The committee’s report was released just before the Bihar Assembly elections, apparently to influence the election results and weaken the BJP’s position. The report concluded that the Godhra train fire was accidental, contradicting the BJP’s stance that it was a pre-planned attack.

However, the Nanavati-Mehta Commission later confirmed that the train burning was a premeditated communal act, not an accident.

The investigation found that large quantities of petrol were purchased a day before the incident from a nearby petrol pump.
The forensic report confirmed the presence of petrol residues inside Coach S-6, where the fire broke out.
Eyewitnesses and forensic evidence suggested that petrol was thrown into the coach and set on fire, indicating a pre-planned attack rather than an accidental fire.

For Malayalees who prefer not to watch The Sabarmati Report, I recommend a documentary on YouTube by the Sanchari channel. It’s in Malayalam and provides a detailed account of the Godhra train burning. I am attaching a screenshot of the video below.

The documentary is likely one of the first of its kind in Malayalam. It offers a detailed look at the various angles of the Godhra train burning, the different reports that emerged, the political maneuvering involved, and the final conclusions drawn. If you are a Malayalee interested in research and fact-checking, I highly recommend watching this video.

Naturally, Congress is supporting Empuraan, just as the BJP backs right-wing films when they are released. Even if Empuraan turns out to be entirely pro-Congress, I support the creator’s right to make and release such a film. Several right-wing movies have been produced in India recently, so a left-leaning perspective is equally valid in a democratic space. However, as viewers, we must avoid taking any movie as absolute truth. Instead, we should conduct independent research, considering both left-leaning and right-leaning sources to develop a balanced understanding of the subject.

Equal Inheritance Rights for Muslim Women

Social activist and NISA founder V.P. Suhara met Indian Minister Kiren Rijiju to demand equal inheritance rights for Muslim women in India, similar to those of Muslim men. Actor and BJP leader Suresh Gopi was also present at the meeting.

V.P. Suhara had earlier launched an indefinite hunger strike at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, advocating for equal inheritance rights for Muslim women. However, the protest was forcibly stopped by the police. Before returning to Kerala, she announced plans to discuss the issue with key leaders in Delhi.

Did you see anyone in Kerala supporting her? Likely not. Instead, you’ll hear women with internalized misogyny saying, “We don’t want such reforms.” But these reforms aren’t for them. They are for women who seek more. Women who wish to follow traditional rules can continue to do so. Reforms do not prevent anyone from adhering to their beliefs, just as Triple Talaq is still practiced in India despite being banned. However, these reforms give Muslim women the legal option to seek justice if they are forced into following restrictive rules against their will.

When Muslim progressives like Suhara fight for women’s rights, you would expect so-called secular voices in India to stand with them. But these voices only seem to speak up when it comes to reforming Hinduism—whether it’s elephants in festivals, casteism, regressive practices, or allowing women in Brahmachari temples—because, let’s be honest, it’s far safer to push for changes in Hinduism. You see people from all communities, whether Hindu, Christian, or Muslim, openly advocate for these changes with confidence, knowing they face no serious repercussions. However, if you question some of the regressive practices in other communities, suddenly, you’re a bigot. The moment you point out that some proselytization techniques are predatory, you’re immediately accused of supporting the “restriction of religious freedom.” If you take a moment to observe people, you’ll notice countless little things that suddenly jolt you out of your slumber. You won’t need any political party to point this out to you. The double standards are there for the world to see.

When asked why the Muslim community largely does not openly advocate support for such reforms, progressive Muslims argue that it is dangerous to challenge established rules, unlike in other communities. They believe real change requires both internal and external pressure. While I acknowledge that speaking out within the Muslim community comes with risks, how long should we wait? Another century? Would it ever happen in our lifetime? Until then, are we expected to remain silent and unquestioning?

If the Indian government applies the “external pressure” suggested, it would inevitably lead to accusations of Islamophobia, further damaging the global perception of Indian Hindus and India’s image as a whole. Any attempt at reform would be spun as targeting a particular community, making meaningful change even harder to achieve.

Now, another group conveniently refuses to support this cause simply because the BJP—“the communal party”—is handling it. But name one other party that has ever stood up for Muslim women’s rights. The Opposition has always catered to Muslim men, not women, and will continue to dance to their tunes. This isn’t new; it has been the pattern for decades, ever since the Shah Bano case. If the BJP doesn’t take up the issue raised by Suhara, I can say with 100% certainty that no other party in India will.

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Pic Source: Mathrubhumi.com (auto-translated from Malayalam)

How Long Must We Wait?

Religious fundamentalism is gradually rising in Kerala. Yet few dare to question it. Perhaps because it originates outside the Hindu community.

Members of the Muslim League, an ally of Congress in Kerala, now openly claim that the hijab is not a choice and are pushing for gender segregation in public spaces like the Mec7 exercise program. Recently, a religious leader criticized a Muslim widow for traveling to Manali, insisting that widows should remain at home and devote themselves to prayer. Others are now openly urging community members to refrain from participating in non-Muslim festivals, further deepening social divisions. Meanwhile, Hamas and Hezbollah supporters freely display posters of their leaders in Kerala, despite these groups’ ties to Pakistani terrorist organizations like JeM and LeT, which have carried out multiple attacks in India.

Was there any outrage from political parties or within the community? None at all.

When you point out the lack of internal criticism, the common response is that speaking out invites real danger and that reforms take time. While it’s true that advocating change within the Muslim community is difficult and radicals may threaten dissenters, how long must we wait? Another century? Should we remain silent and allow religious fundamentalism to grow unchecked? If no meaningful reforms have happened so far, what guarantees change in the future? If the community cannot challenge extremist views now, how will they resist when these forces become even stronger and impose their rules on others?

We are already seeing glimpses of this with the Waqf Board’s land disputes, where properties legally owned by other communities are being claimed. Why should non-Muslims be bound by Waqf rules? If the land originally belonged to Muslims, the claims may hold merit. However, many of these properties now belong to other communities. If they were encroachments, why did the Waqf Board fail to prevent them? In cases where the land was legally sold, why is it being reclaimed now? The Board’s mismanagement highlights the urgent need for Waqf reforms to prevent future disputes.

Unfortunately, political parties are misleading the Muslim community, falsely claiming that reforms would lead to property seizures. The reality is that corrupt politicians have more to lose than ordinary Muslims, especially the poor. Many are likely benefiting from Waqf properties, living in luxury through corruption. The revenue generated from Waqf assets is disproportionately low compared to their vast holdings, raising questions about where the money is going. Instead of being used for community development, it is likely being siphoned for personal gain.

This is why reforms are crucial. However, many in the community rely on their leaders for information, unaware that they are being misled. These leaders manipulate facts for their own interests, radicalizing and mobilizing people with lies. This is why it’s important that citizens seek information from multiple sources—both left- and right-leaning—to avoid being deceived.

It is a mistake to believe that only the BJP spreads communal hatred. Congress leaders have also exploited the Manipur issue, framing it as a Hindu vs. Christian conflict when it is, in fact, an ethnic dispute. When Hamas posters appear in Kerala and critics raise concerns, Congress dismisses them as “Islamophobia.” This selective outrage makes them unreliable as leaders. They are vocal against Hindu extremism but silent when it comes to Islamist fundamentalism.

Some progressive Muslims argue that meaningful reforms require both external pressure, such as government intervention, and internal efforts from within the community. However, in India, any government-led push for reform risks being labeled Islamophobic. This, in turn, gives radicals more ammunition and invites criticism from the Western world, which often misinterprets such actions as oppression rather than necessary change. Moreover, since Hindus form the majority, any move by the Indian government is framed as an attack on Muslims, further polarizing the discourse and making genuine reform even harder to achieve.

At this point, the situation feels like a deadlock. Either we wait indefinitely for internal reforms, which may never come, or the government steps in, triggering backlash and further polarization. Both paths are fraught with challenges, and in either case, things could turn messy. The fear of being labeled Islamophobic limits external intervention, while internal resistance to change keeps fundamentalist views unchecked. This leaves little room for meaningful progress, making the prospect of reform seem increasingly distant.

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Photo by Pixabay

Codemning Hamas without Justifications

For the uninitiated, in February 2025, during the annual Uroos festival at a mosque in Thrithala, Palakkad district, Kerala, a procession featured banners displaying images of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders.

These banners were prominently displayed atop elephants. The event drew over 3,000 participants and sparked widespread controversy and discussions on social media. Critics questioned the organizers’ decision to include images of individuals associated with designated terrorist organizations. The participation of local political figures, including Congress leader VT Balram and Minister MB Rajesh, further intensified the debate. They maintained the status quo of excusing terror sympathizers by criticizing media outlets for allegedly using the incident to target the Muslim community and Kerala at a national level.

During a News18 Kerala debate, a Malayalee Muslim from Palakkad admitted that what happened at the Uroos was wrong. However, he dismissed concerns by saying, “The event was organized by kids who randomly picked images from the Internet. They had no idea who these people were, so we shouldn’t make a big deal out of it.”

This raises an important question: Why is it that when left to “randomly” select images, they chose figures linked to terror groups instead of respected Muslim leaders, scientists, or sports personalities? A former Indian Army officer who was stationed in Kashmir responded thoughtfully: “If they were simply Googling, why not Abdul Kalam, cricketers like Siraj or Shami, or Muslim soldiers who died protecting our nation? Why did they choose a group in cahoots with Pakistani militant groups like LeT and JeM? Instead of dismissing this, we should educate young people about who should be admired and who should not. Only then can our nation progress. We also cannot keep excusing such incidents as the actions of innocent children. Recently in Europe, a teenager attempted a suicide bombing, and in another case, four children from the same family were radicalized into extremism.”

The Malayalee panelist logged out before responding, but a Muslim League leader acknowledged the need for change. However, like many others accused of spreading hate, he quickly shifted the discussion, saying, “Yes, all of this is bad, BUT Israel is committing genocide.”

This pattern of deflection is becoming more common. When doctors in Australia were suspended for their hate speech, the response from left-leaning supporters and a major Australian Muslim group was, “They should not have been suspended because Israel is committing genocide.” When California faced wildfires, some even claimed, “Well deserved because the U.S. supplies arms to Israel.”

The Israel-Hamas war is being used to justify hate and extremism worldwide. While criticism of geopolitical events is valid, it cannot be a shield for promoting radicalism or excusing problematic behavior.

If we applied the same logic, we could say, “Islamophobia is wrong, BUT Islamist groups like ISIS have mass-murdered people.” That would be an absurd and dangerous argument, just as deflecting discussions on extremism with geopolitical grievances is.

Condemning violence and radicalization should not come with conditions. No ifs or buts—wrong is wrong, no matter who commits it.

Why don’t we see progressive Muslim nations like the UAE and Bahrain glorify Hamas on the streets, unlike India? Because they understand the consequences— supporting such groups could destabilize their own countries and invite extremism. They firmly recognize the Muslim Brotherhood, the group from which Hamas originated, as a terrorist organization and have banned it, seeing it as a source of extremism. In contrast, many Western countries have not taken similar action in their attempt to uphold secular values. This could also explain why leaders of many Muslim nations maintain ties with Modi, meeting him and discussing business, decorating him with awards and honors, instead of ostracizing him. They likely recognize where some of the propaganda against him stems from.