One thing I have learned is that there are different standards for different people.
We have forgiven Congress for the 1984 Sikh riots and the Emergency, a period during which thousands were killed and many were forcefully sterilized as part of a population control measure.
A Snippet from “The Emergency (India)” Wikipedia Article
We also forgave all the anti-Hindu attacks that occurred in the country, such as the genocide of Kashmiri Pandits, the Godhra train burning, the 1992 Ajmer rape case, and the Moplah riots. The left attempted to whitewash these events, but historians like Ambedkar provided a different narrative.
We tell ourselves, “Why bring up the past?” But we are not ready to forgive or let go of the past when it comes to the Gujarat riots and the Babri Masjid demolition.
What makes certain communal riots more unforgivable and unforgettable than others, when all are equally horrendous?
Today, we see similar attempts at whitewashing, where any films addressing attacks on Hindus are immediately dismissed as propaganda. Why is it that every one of these events is labeled a lie, without any anomalies? What criteria must be met for an attack on Hindus to be acknowledged?
Recently, Khalistanis in Canada attacked a Hindu temple, but this was not given enough attention either. In their efforts to downplay attacks on Hindus to prevent riots, the left has caused many in the community to turn towards far-right ideologies. There’s no balance or consistency in beliefs. If you believe violence is bad, speak up against all types of violence. But, often we see, one type of violence being justified, whereas others are condemned.
A simple glance around is enough to recognize this hypocrisy. Observe how people around you react when there are attacks against Hindus. Are they condemning or justifying it?
Ultimately, it revolves around politicians, media, and agenda-driven propagandists manipulating people’s emotions. They dictate how you should feel about various issues, which riots deserve attention and remembrance, and which should be overlooked or forgotten.
I was once a leftist. However, at that time, I didn’t consider all sides of a story. Even though I am a Hindu, I was often dismissive of conflicts in which Hindus were victims in India, such as the Kashmiri Pandit genocide, the 1992 Ajmer rapes, the Moplah riots, and others. I coldly labeled the narratives as right-wing propaganda. I was radicalized to the extent I wasn’t open to other perspectives.
On October 7th, 2023, I experienced a significant shift in my perspective. I witnessed people justifying acts of violence, including rape and saw secular politicians in my country referring to it as resistance. This left me shocked. It wasn’t the BJP that influenced my change, but rather the people around me. The only individuals expressing outrage about these events were from the right wing, which took me by surprise.
Over the next couple of months, I underwent a monumental shift in my ideology that startled me. It felt like old layers of my beliefs were peeling away, making way for new understandings—a painful process. I came to realize that the principles of fairness and equality I had believed in until then were merely a façade. I also understood that I would likely be alone in this revelation.
The world operates in a contradictory and troubling way. People often expect unwavering support from others, yet when it’s their turn to show empathy, they respond with scoffing, mockery, and belittlement towards heinous crimes. They easily justify acts of violence, murder, and rape with statements like, “So what? They deserved it.”
It took me months to calm my anger and process the betrayal I felt when I discovered that some of my friends had become radicalized to the point of believing that rapes were justified. Until that moment, I had viewed the world through rose-colored glasses, believing it to be a kind place.
I then looked at my country with a fresh perspective and realized that similar patterns were at play here. Hindus seemed to have to compromise more than other communities in the name of secularism. I observed that many conflicts where the victims were predominantly Hindus were dismissed as propaganda, belittled, mocked, or invalidated, much like the rapes of Israelis on October 7.
I now identify as a right-winger. I consider myself center-right and hold no animosity toward anyone. In the past, I hesitated to label myself as a right-winger because almost everyone I know leans left. However, over time, I’ve moved past the fear of labels. People can judge or categorize me as they wish; as we age, labels become less significant. My shift in ideology is not due to any political party or its propaganda, but rather my observations of people’s behavior and their viciousness.
I have become more patriotic and now want everyone in India to adopt a “nation first” mentality. This is something I missed when I was a leftist; I felt that people weren’t sufficiently pro-India. I realize now that the center-right community is where I truly belong.
We, the center-right, believe in the following principles:
We are patriotic and uphold a “nation first” mentality.
We reject extremism from both the far-right and the far-left.
We take pride in the achievements of India.
We advocate for equal rights for everyone, regardless of their community.
We oppose appeasement politics.
We strongly support enhanced security measures.
We have zero tolerance for radical groups.
There are several negative aspects of the far-right that frustrate people like me. They should be held accountable by the government. However, I still feel positive about my country under strong leadership that has the courage to confront extremism.
Unfortunately, in India, when you openly call out extremism, you are declared Islamophobic. When radicals get arrested due to active participation in extremist groups, the country is declared Islamophobic. The global media often gets their news about India from the local left-leaning media which is notorious for giving one-sided stories. In this day and age of media bias, it is imperative to refer to both the left and right-wing channels to get a full balanced view.
It’s true that Islamophobia exists in India and the country should do more to protect its minorities. However, even if the BJP takes positive steps, it is unlikely to reduce the extreme victim mentality prevalent in the community that refuses to acknowledge any good done by the party. For example, the BJP introduced the Shadi Shagun Yojana scheme in which a Muslim girl is given Rs 51000/ when she marries after her graduation (BA, BSc, BCom, BE etc.). BJP banned the Triple Talaq. This is for Muslims alone. Most of the recipients of other welfare schemes have been members of the Muslim community. No ruler would have tried to uplift the Muslim community if they were Islamophobic. Riots and young children getting murdered due to terrorist activities in Kashmir have also drastically reduced. But these plus points are often blatantly ignored and many choose to judge Modi by the actions of the far-right.
A question to consider is: If Modi is still judged for the 2002 Gujarat riots, why isn’t Congress held accountable for the 1984 Sikh riots that they enabled, which were equally horrific? Politicians have contributed to deepening societal divisions by fueling narratives. Riots and violence instigated by one party are often deemed forgivable, while those provoked by another are considered unforgivable.
My political ideology is not fixed. I may shift from center-right to center-left in the future if I find that the center-left in India has become bold enough to openly oppose Islamist extremism as well, not just Hindutva. As of now, they do not meet that standard.
To end with a quote on pseudo-secularism in India:
To those who claim we are now living in a totalitarian, fascist, Hindu Rashtra, one must ask:
What kind of Hindu Rashtra is this where Ram Navami, Hanuman Jayanti, Durga pooja processions, and even Garba celebrations, are attacked and stoned with impunity?
What kind of Hindu Rashtra is this where Hindus are forced to be refugees in their own land, where one can settle 40,000 Rohingya Muslims but not 700,000 Kashmiri Hindus, the land’s original inhabitants; where the judiciary says it is too late to prosecute those who raped, murdered, and ethnically cleansed lacs of Hindus?
What kind of Hindu Rashtra is this where Hindu temples are exclusively controlled by the State, and where the government usurps hundreds of thousands of acres of temple land and is responsible for more than 100,000 temples losing lakhs of crores in rental income?
What kind of Hindu Rashtra is this where the Right to Education Act discriminates only against Hindus and their schools, forcing tens of thousands of them to shut down?
What kind of Hindu Rashtra is this where a communal violence law was about to be enacted through with only the Hindus would have been held guilty in a communal riot even if they were in a minority for example in Kashmir?
What kind of Hindu Rashtra is this where court judgments like the Sabarimala and legislative enactments like the Hindu Code Bill purport to reform only Hindu religious practices but dare not touch practices of other religions, and if they do, the decisions are promptly reversed like in the Shah Bano case?
What kind of Hindu Rashtra is this where the Waqf Act gives overarching powers to Muslims to declare a 1500-year-old Hindu temple to be on Islamic land when Islam is only 1300 years old?
If this is how a Hindu is rewarded in a Hindu Rashtra, he’d much rather be in a Muslim Rashtra because then at least there’d be no pretence of equality.
I purchased A Thousand Cuts because I wanted to know Professor T.J. Joseph’s side of the story. Those who don’t closely follow news from South India might not have heard of him. I will offer an introduction before moving on to the quotes from his book.
Who is Professor TJ Joseph?
Professor T.J. Joseph is a retired college professor from Kerala, India. He gained significant attention after he became a victim of religious extremism. The tragedy that occurred in 2010 shook Kerala to the core and impacted the communal harmony of the state. Never had Kerala witnessed such a radical act in modern history. How and why did this happen?
The Tragic 2010 Incident
In 2010, while working as a Malayalam professor at Newman College in Kerala, Professor Joseph set up a question paper for an exam. One of the questions unexpectedly became viral due to its controversial nature. Professor T.J. Joseph did not mean any harm when he drafted the question. He had simply taken influence from a book that he had read. But alas, many misunderstood the actual intention behind the question and accused the Professor of blasphemy.
Despite offering an apology, communal tensions refused to die down. The religious were angry. Fearing for his life, and feeling utterly unsafe in his surroundings, he ran away from home. After moving from one district to another, he finally decided there was no point in hiding, especially when he had done no wrong. He returned home, only to be eventually attacked by PFI members. He was mercilessly beaten up, and his right hand, which the extremists accused of writing the “dreaded” question, was severed in front of his family, neighbors, and other village folk who stood shellshocked, too scared to intervene. It took multiple complex surgical procedures to re-attach his hand.
Kerala is a state that is renowned for its communal harmony. But it is also known for its appeasement politics. The state government, politicians, and media did little to help Professor TJ Joseph. His Church abandoned him out of fear and ego. The Professor ended up losing his job in the college on the grounds of misconduct, although he was later reinstated after public outcry and intervention by authorities. He was the sole breadwinner in his family, and his wife and children had to endure many hardships due to his job loss. His wife, Salomi, slowly went into depression and died by suicide. The chapter on his wife is the only chapter without a title. It’s as if words aren’t enough to encapsulate the depth of his grief.
I bought his book because I had only heard the media’s version of his story till now. We all know by now how the media often tries to cover up facts based on their own biases. The present state of mainstream media made me purchase the book. I am glad I did it. The details are chilling. The points I am giving are only a summary of the things that happened. When you read the book, you are transported into Professor Joseph’s world of art, cinema, poetry, desperation, fear, courage, and resolve. He explains every little incident in vibrant detail. You can’t help but shed a few tears. I feel Kerala collectively failed him. Yet, his optimism and his dry sense of humor prevail and serve as a source of inspiration. Here’s a teacher who is teaching everyone in his own unique way how to combat the extremes that life throws at you.
Professor T.J. Joseph’s case remains one of the most shocking cases of religiously motivated violence in Kerala. The incident sparked widespread anger and discussions about freedom of expression and religious intolerance. The PFI members involved were later arrested and convicted. But, sadly, as a society, we still remain religiously intolerant. If you take a peek at the comments under any of his videos or news articles, you will know what I mean.
Quotes from Professor TJ Joseph’s Book
In an apology of a democracy, the interests of the mob got weightage over anything else, even if those interests were born out of ignorance, against truth and flagrantly unethical. Vote banks comprise such mobs. They shoulder the chair of power.
Marital life is a kind of war. An extraordinary war that lasts a lifetime. In a normal war, the one who defeats the opponent wins the war. In a marriage, the one who defeats the other will also lose. Therefore, marriage is a war where one must win without defeating the significant other.
My rationale was that as I had taught thousands of students, a large number of whom were Muslims, even if some misguided elements wanted to harm me, wouldn’t they first ask my students, and wouldn’t my students stand up for me and disabuse them of their wrong notions about me?
The mind of a student of literature must be dispassionate. Only in a place where there is no entrenched emotion can all emotion enter. Only in spaces where no one belief has nested itself can enlightenment enter and soar.
As I lay there accepting gifts and graces, I thought I must not merely forgive my attackers but thank them as well. For until then, I had never received so much love and care.
The attack on me was condemned even by Muslim organizations. The Church authorities alone remained silent.
I have been told that the gang that attacked me was made up of active members of an organization called Popular Front of India (PFI) and its political wing known as the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI). All the members of the attack gang were then sent to various safe houses and shifted from one to another frequently with the help of many sympathizers.
The fish seller in our area in Muvattupuzha was a Muslim. Earlier, if we asked for half a kilo, we would receive exactly half a kilo. That has changed since: when we ask for half a kilo, we get at least three-fourths of a kilo. Only when I threatened to stop buying his fish if he didn’t accept payment did he, very reluctantly, start to accept money from me again.
Pinarayi Vijayan said that the whole of Kerala was on my side and that there was no difference between the extremists from PFI who had chopped off my hand and the church diocese that owned and managed the college.
At one time, having run out of funds, when I was at the end of my tether, Yukthivadi Sanghatana (Rationalists Organization) turned up with the money they had collected for me. I asked myself, why would they need other gods when they are themselves playing the role of God?
After I was attacked and maimed, I appealed to the state chief minister and home minister to withdraw the blasphemy case filed by the police against me of their own accord. The government had no will or courage to withdraw a case they had got instituted for communal appeasement.
The view that the suicide was caused by the unjust and immoral ways of the Newman College authorities predominated. One thing is certain, a dead Salomi is more powerful than a live Salomi. Because what she couldn’t achieve while alive, she could, by dying—bring the management to change their mind.
The US elections are done. Trump has emerged as the clear winner. For Indians like me, while it’s an election in a different country, the reactions to his victory feel close to home.
Liberals in the USA are angry. They are accusing Trump supporters of being fascists and anti-LGBTQ. This is similar to how the Indian left reacts when BJP wins an election. They accuse the voters and label them as stupid, uneducated fascists.
I can understand the intense emotions. It’s human to react strongly to causes you care deeply about. However, the liberals in both the USA and India are unable to grasp why the right wing is getting votes. They seem unwilling to hold open discussions to find out the drawbacks of the party they support. It’s only when you acknowledge the mistakes that you can rectify them and ensure the party’s victory in the next election.
In the USA, from what I learned, the right-wing Republican party got votes because they catered to the ordinary American’s issues, such as inflation, immigration influx, border security issues, Biden’s handling of the Middle East war, rising antisemitism, and the democrat’s stoic silence about the Bangladeshi Hindu genocide and Khalistani issues. The last two issues mattered to American Hindus, whereas the Middle East war affected American Muslims. Some American Jews I follow observed with pain how the far-left held college campuses hostage, even going to the extent of attacking Jewish students and setting the American flag on fire.
The reasons for Trump’s win were in front of all to see, but somehow, people chose to ignore it.
Trump got votes not because the majority of Americans are anti-abortion or anti-LGBTQ. It had more to do with the Biden government’s handling of core concerns. By choosing to concentrate only on niche issues, the Democrats distanced themselves from the ordinary American. This is why Democrats won in cosmopolitan cities with more diverse populations, whereas Republicans won the remaining places.
In India, the trend is similar. When the BJP wins, the anti-BJP group resorts to insulting the voter’s intellect. They are labeled fascists, and no effort is made to understand the reasons that led them to vote for a right-wing party. For instance, I see many who were once left-leaning becoming comfortable with the BJP after the Waqf land issues started. In case this issue changes the political dynamics of the country, the anti-BJP clan would still place the blame on the BJP voters, calling them communal, uneducated, and fascists instead of looking inward. There’s always more uproar and less introspection.
A party cannot grow if it refuses to acknowledge its mistakes. Liberals won’t be able to defeat right-wing parties if they continue to ignore important issues.
600 families in a small coastal area in Kerala risk losing the properties they paid for. Reason: The Waqf claims the land is theirs.
What is Waqf?
A waqf is an Islamic endowment of property or assets designated for religious, charitable, or social purposes.
In India, waqf properties are managed by the Waqf Board, a government body responsible for overseeing and regulating these endowments.
What is the Munambam Waqf Issue?
The Munambam Waqf issue is a complicated land dispute. This land, which covers approximately 404 acres, is located in a place called Munambam in the Ernakulam district of Kerala.
Historically, the land belonged to the Kutchi Memon community. They migrated to Kerala for trade and were granted this land by the Travancore kingdom. In 1950, part of the land was donated to Farook College as Waqf property, intended for educational purposes. Farook College went on to sell this land to the current property owners of Munambam.
In recent years, the Kerala Waqf Board has claimed ownership of the land. This has led to significant tensions among local residents, most of whom are Christian families and fishermen who have lived there for decades with legal ownership. This is not a communal issue, as even Muslim families have been affected by Waqf.
The claims by the Waqf Board have prevented the residents from managing their properties. They cannot pay taxes or sell their land to meet personal needs, such as funding their child’s education or obtaining health treatments. The residents assert that the claims by the Waqf Board are invalid, as they fairly paid for the property.
Politicians from Congress and CPI(M) insist the property is not Waqf to console the residents. However, the Waqf Board says the land is indeed Waqf and the 600 Munambam families are encroachers who need to eventually vacate the area.
The Munambam residents were initially told to approach the Waqf tribunal to fight their case, as the court is unauthorized to handle Waqf land matters. This requirement is enabled by the current Waqf Act introduced by Congress, forcing victims to seek justice from the perpetrators themselves. Across India, there are 70,000 such cases pending, which the court cannot address until the Act is reformed.
How to Resolve this Issue?
To prevent this issue from escalating, political parties must ensure that the vulnerable families in Munambam are provided justice. If they paid for the property, it is theirs to keep. Another community’s beliefs should not be imposed on them. It will lead to matters turning communal.
Concerns
This is not the only Waqf dispute in the country. The Waqf Board is claiming acres of land in other states of India, one of which houses a temple that is older than Islam itself.
The opposition parties, especially Congress, need to ensure the poor do not suffer because of discriminatory laws. For that to happen, all political parties need to work together to reform the existing Waqf law in India that allows such unfair claims.
I’m observing that the Waqf issue in Munambam is causing more Christians in Kerala to support the BJP. The matter has also drawn the attention of churches, which are advocating for reforms to protect property rights in cases like this.
If the reforms do not get passed in the winter session of parliament due to the appeasement politics of the opposition parties, the political landscape might shift significantly in favor of the BJP. It might change the political beliefs of many, who until now used to treat the BJP as untouchables.
The opposition parties’ best course of action is to back the Waqf reforms and avoid misleading the underprivileged with false promises. Words are not enough at this moment. The parties need to proactively initiate a discussion with the Waqf Board and ensure the poor get justice.
Why are South Indian leaders, like Stalin and Chandrababu Naidu, all of a sudden, pushing women to have more children? It’s not to combat the aging population as they make it seem. It’s all politics!
In India, there’s something called Delimitation. It’s a process of redrawing the boundaries of constituencies based on population. States with more population will get more constituencies, whereas those with low populations, like southern states, will get fewer seats. Basically, the exercise is to ensure each constituency has an equal number of people.
Since South India’s population growth is decreasing, plus migration, it won’t need as many constituencies. The total number of constituencies in Lok Sabha has been frozen since the 70s and is in place until 2026. 2026 is almost here! This is why politicians in South India are worried about women not having enough children. They don’t want to lose their seats.
As per The Hindu newspaper, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra + Telangana, all of which are South Indian states, stand to lose 8 seats each, if the current number of seats in Lok Sabha (543) is maintained.
We can expect Pinarayi Vijayan, the CM of Kerala, to make a similar statement next.
The Monkey Dilemma 
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